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The National Center for Education Statistics has just released a very interesting and revealing 2010 statistical report– Status and Trends in the Education of Racial and Ethnic Groups–on children and parents, with a main emphasis on educational issues. Here are just a few of their findings:
Little Rock Nine
Creative Commons License photo credit: Steve Snodgrass

The percentages of children who were living in poverty were higher for Blacks (34 percent), American Indians/Alaska Natives (33 percent), Hispanics (27 percent), and Native Hawaiians or Other Pacific Islanders (26 percent), than for children of two or more races (18 percent), Asians (11 percent) and Whites (10 percent).

Forty-eight percent of public school 4th-graders were eligible for free or reduced- price lunches in 2009, including 77 percent of Hispanic, 74 percent of Black, 68 percent of American Indian/Alaska Native, 34 percent of Asian/Pacific Islander, and 29 percent of White 4th-graders.

These revealing data show extreme poverty levels for major groups of color, with very high levels qualifying for reduced-price or free lunches. Among other things the data demonstrate huge problems of structural inequality and racism that seem to be off the white-controlled policy agenda for the “land of the free and the home of the brave.”

In 2008, some 44 percent of White 18- to 24-year-olds were enrolled in colleges and universities, while in 1980 some 28 percent were enrolled. In addition, approximately 32 percent of Black 18- to 24-year-olds were enrolled in colleges or universities (an increase of 12 percentage points from 1980) and 26 percent of Hispanic 18- to 24-year-olds were enrolled (an increase of 10 percentage points from 1980).

Inequality and structural racism at lower grades contribute substantially to inequalities up the line at college. Here, again, very substantial differentials. Some other data also tell us something significant about current immigration and demographic patterns:

In 2008, a higher percentage of Asian children (51 percent) had a mother with at least a bachelor’s degree than did White children (36 percent), children of two or more races (31 percent), Black children (17 percent), American Indian/Alaska Native children (16 percent), and Hispanic children (11 percent).

The Asian children are more likely to be the children of documented immigrants, who have come in under a biased U.S. immigration system that increasingly tends to “cream off” the world’s middle and upper middle classes. Thus, many documented immigrants come in with college degrees and some social or economic capital that facilitates socioeconomic their and their children’s mobility in the U.S. Other children of color are no so fortunate, including those who are the children of undocumented Latino immigrants. Other data are also revealing:

In 2007, a higher percentage of White (18 percent) children ages 12 to 17 reported drinking alcohol in the past month than did their Hispanic (15 percent) peers, peers of two or more races (13 percent), and Black (10 percent) and Asian (8 percent) peers.

I wonder why we do not have white leaders and politicians talking a lot about the “white problem” of drug (alcohol) use among white youth in the U.S.

And like other studies they also show the trend toward an more diverse society where whites are gradually becoming a statistical minority, especially among children:

Between 1980 and 2008, the racial/ethnic composition of the United States shifted— the White population declined from 80 percent of the total population to 66 percent; the Hispanic population increased from 6 percent of the total to 15 percent; the Black population remained at about 12 percent; and the Asian/Pacific Islander population increased from less than 2 percent of the total population to 4 percent. In 2008, American Indians/Alaska Natives made up about 1 percent and people of two or more races made up about 1 percent of the population.

And these demographic changes continue at a fast pace today.

Jun
07

The Many Costs of Racism

Posted by: Maria | Comments (21)



We have all heard the story that America is a nation of active citizens and joiners (Alexis de Tocqueville, 1840) — resulting in a citizenry that joins together for the common good. However, according to Harvard professor Robert Putnam, social capital—which is about connections, reciprocity, and trust—is on the decline and consequently, American civil society is on the decline. Putnam lists many reasons for this decline in our modern lifestyles, but I believe that nothing decreases connections and trust among Americans more than racist public policies such as Arizona’s SB 1070 law.

We need to consider the costs that this policy will have on the overall American story of connectedness. Not surprisingly social capital among blacks and Latinos is already significantly lower than among whites (See link here.) However, it is important to consider that Latino citizens are a huge part of the population in Arizona. Pretending that Latino citizens aren’t a huge part of the population in Arizona and that these Latino citizens won’t incur gigantic costs in terms of civil liberties violations and sense of personal security is ridiculous. Despite Governor Brewer’s assurances that there will be no racial profiling against Latino citizens, anyone who reads the bill, which, “Requires officials and agencies to reasonably attempt to determine the immigration status of a person involved in a lawful contact where reasonable suspicion exists regarding the immigration status of the person…,” knows that it is patently obvious that long-time Latino citizens are indistinguishable from undocumented Latinos. “Reasonable suspicion” amounts to being Latino in Arizona. My father, a Latino living in Tucson, now feels uncomfortable around his white friends because they disagree about SB 1070. This is beyond a political or ideological disagreement.

For a Latino, this is about acceptance, respect, equality, and yes, trust. So, there are more than civil liberties violations and personal security at stake—it is about the ending of relationships between Latinos and whites, it is about separating life-long friends, maybe for good.

The story of Latinos living in Arizona after SB 1070 now is sadness, and at best for those Latinos who are citizens an increased fear–and hiding at worst for those who aren’t documented. It is about decreased community connectedness along racial lines on all counts. I know if I was an undocumented Latina about to give birth I would risk giving birth at home rather than going to the hospital and possibly being deported. Why can’t whites see the social and personal costs of this policy? Perhaps it is because most whites are between four to ten generations removed from their immigrant parents; immigration for them is some distant thing. Maybe this is why they do not realize we are all in the same boat. Maybe that is why they don’t see the costs of this type of racism on America.

De Tocqueville had it wrong. We are not a nation of active citizens and joiners. We are a nation of exclusion by race. If strong social capital is an important component of our nation’s civic health, then America will pay a huge cost for generations to come if we keep targeting Latinos.



InsideHigherEducation describes the hostile comments and threats a Latina faculty member got for giving a short 10-minute faculty speech at the graduation convocation recently at the University of Arizona’s College of Social and Behavioral Sciences.

The deterioration of this society’s ability to have a sensible discussion of issues, such as on immigration, has been aggressively accelerated in recent years by the right-wing propaganda machines of prominent radio talk show hosts and Fox news, where information is often less important than a far-right agenda. We are on a downhill slide in this post-post-racial America.

Professor Sandra Soto, Associate Professor of Gender and Women’s Studies at the University of Arizona, turned down higher ranked universities to go where there are large Latino populations and numbers of students. She did not realize that criticizing the new authoritarian racial profiling law in Arizona and critiquing the banning of ethnic (Mexican American) studies programs in Arizona schools would get her many verbal threats, including death threats:

She was booed, jeered and heckled, with a few shouting personal comments …. Soto held her ground, and while pausing at times, finished her talk — with many applauding. Soto related her critiques of these state actions to graduation by talking about how their education should prepare them to be “better public citizens.” Since the talk, Soto said she has received a barrage of e-mail messages, many of them hateful and some of them potentially threatening. Many such messages have also been posted on YouTube and on local Web sites that covered the speech. (See links here)

She describes her feelings thus:

“My work is in Chicana cultural studies, so it’s my obligation, if I am going to be up on a stage, I feel it is my absolute responsibility to address these issues.” She said that no one who knows her could have doubted that she would speak out, and that she was prepared for some booing, but was surprised by “how vitriolic” the e-mail messages have been since the talk. She said that she will turn over to authorities those that might be threatening, such as an e-mail suggesting that the sender “hopes you don’t look both ways” while crossing the street. . . . several viewers suggested that Soto “return to El Salvador.” (She’s actually from Texas, where her family has lived since Texas was Mexico, she said, and she’s not sure why she’s been identified as being from El Salvador.)

Marisol LeBron, a Latino Ph.D. student in American studies at New York University, put it this way in a blog commentary:

Queer Chicana Professor (and all-around awesome academic) Sandra K. Soto got booed at the University of Arizona’s Social and Behavioral Sciences commencement. Professor Soto was attempting to discuss the ways that the anti-immigrant measures known as SB1070 would marginalize Latinos/as. Before she could get a sentence out the crowd jeered her. Twitter drama ensued. Most people said it was inappropriate for Professor Soto to use the event as a “political soap box” further highlighting the success of the conservative right in advancing the idea that Universities and institutions of higher education should be depoliticized places where one goes to learn objective truths. … what happened to Professor Soto is just another example of what so often occurs to queers, women, and people of color (or people who inhabit all of those identities) within the academy, they get shouted down and told that they’re advancing a narrow agenda or only telling half the story. … I applaud the stand that Soto and other educators in Arizona are taking despite the attempts to silence them.



On the May 21 issue of the Arizona Republic columnist E.J. Montini narrates the travails of Tyson Nash, the current hockey analyst for the Phoenix Coyotes.

Nash is a Canadian citizen who has lived in the U.S. for 15 years but does not have a green card. In other words, Nash is an illegal.

Nash has been trying to immigrate, as Montini calls it, “The Right Way,” but has been frustrated by the official bureaucracy and his status of immigrant remains.

Montini laments Nash’s difficulties. After all, Nash has been a good father to his American-born children, a good (if “not quite legal”–Montini’s words!]) citizen, a steady worker and a good tax payer.

Curiously, this characterization contrasts with the widely-held portrayal of the Latin American illegal as one who abuses public assistance and is an inconsistent worker who pays no taxes.

Montini left out several important points from his encomium. Nash is an illegal who has received princely treatment. Unlike most “not quite legal” (“illegal”) immigrants from Latin America, Nash need not worry that immigration officials will show up at his workplace to arrest him despite his open admission of being an illegal.

He has no reason to fear that a police officer will profile him and stop him for a putative traffic violation in order to check his immigrant status. Nash is immune from local Sheriff Arpaio’s antics. Nash’s offspring will never be dubbed “anchor children.”

Why? Nash is white and such are the advantages of being white.

Here is a personal testimony and historical accounting about the world the openly segregationist Rand Paul and his (literally) “Confederates” wish to see in the US, one where whites (especially white men ) trample the rights of Americans of color and others to dignity and equality guaranteed by all serious bills of human rights. This is by an African American blogger at DailyKos, Meteor Blades, and right on target.

If Paul and his confederates want to overcome their extreme and apparently intentional historical illiteracy and racist philosophy, they might start by reading some of this serious history of Jim Crow, here and here.



The Pew Research Center for the People and the Press has recently released a national opinion poll (done on on May 6-9, 2010) on the general public’s reactions to the Arizona immigration law (SB 1070), which makes being an undocumented immigrant traveling in or through Arizona a major crime under state law. Here is their summary and here is the full report.

The key and actual questions are these:

Q.10 The state of Arizona recently passed a law dealing with illegal immigration. As I describe some parts of the
law, tell me if you approve or disapprove of each. [The three percentages are for these responses, reading from left to right: approve, disapprove, don't know/other]:

a. Allowing police to question anyone who
they think may be in the country illegally: 62% 35 3

b. Requiring people to produce documents verifying
their legal status if police ask for them: 73% 23 4

c. Allowing police to detain anyone who cannot
verify their legal status: 67% 29 4

On the face of it, these survey data are pretty chilling, with a very substantial majority of the general population supporting key aspects of laws like that in Arizona. On another question, 59 percent of those polled say they approve of the new Arizona law.

More than two thirds buy into the conservative argument that police have a right to act on their own subjective hunches that a person is in the country illegally. In the Southwest this means routine racial profiling, as white residents will almost never be “thought to be in the country illegally.” Indeed, as legal analyst and scholar Michelle Alexander shows in her great new book, The New Jim Crow, the not so secret “secret” of everyday practice in all major aspects of our criminal justice system is that this system routinely and demonstrably (from tons of research) operates in an well-institutionalized racist fashion, with whites with power (especially police officers, prosecutors, and judges) able to pretty much discriminate against working class Americans of color with impunity — and with the backing of numerous recent court decisions by our arch-conservative Supreme Court (perhaps our most undemocratic political institution). People of color are easily targeted when the Supreme Court and the congress back up routine discrimination in the streets. The subjective “thinking” of police and other criminal justice officials is now the criterion of “justice” when it comes to many crime policing and prosecution decisions.

The second question’s and third question’s huge positive responses might, however, have been different if the supportive respondents (especially the majority of white respondents–Pew does not give a racial breakdown) had routine experience with being mistreated or harassed by the police seeking such information–like many Americans of color. Also, I wonder how they would feel if they were taken to jail if they did not have their key documents (birth certificate?) with them, as this law requires. Apparently a driver’s license is not enough. (Have you ever gone out on the streets without key documents?)

The increasing public support of essentially police-state tactics over the last decade (notice that the large, mostly white employers are not principally targeted–the easier way to stop immigration?) is one of the chilling things about this supposedly “post-racial” America. (Related issues in some of the likely police stops out of this law seem to be the fourth amendment’s protections against government searches without specific evidence and without warrants, and the fifth amendment’s protection against self-incrimination, and its a person shall not “be deprived of life, liberty, or property, without due process of law.” Have these also been nullified by the routine operation of the justice system, including recent Supreme Court decisions?) Actually, we have now quickly gone to the post-post-racial America.

May
14

Anti-Latino Racism: A Pew Center report

Posted by: Joe | Comments (3)

The Pew Hispanic Center has an interesting fact sheet, “Hispanics and Arizona’s New Immigration Law,” which provides some useful data for our often data-less, faith-based, often white-racist or white-fearful, debates on U.S. immigration. According to a 2009 Pew survey of Americans

nearly one-in- four (23%) Americans said Hispanics are discriminated against “a lot” in society today, a share higher than observed for any other group…This represents a change from 2001, when blacks were seen as the racial/ethnic group discriminated against the most in society.

In the earlier period some 25 percent of those polled said blacks were discriminated against a lot, which was more than the 19 percent who said the same for Latinos. Now in the 2009 survey only 19 percent said blacks were discriminated against “a lot,” compared to the 23 percent for Latinos. Pew makes a significant point out of Latinos being seen as (but, actually, only a little ) more discriminated against than African Americans, but what I see as much more striking is that this majority-white national sample actually has rather low percentages that see either group as facing “a lot” of discrimination.

This is the more important finding. Once again, only a modest minority of whites apparently see any problem with racial discrimination for either group. This is the white racial frame in its modern white-virtue, little-discrimination form. Lots of analysts talk about this as a new form of racism, of “colorblind racism,” but actually it goes back for centuries. Whites since the 1600s have seen themselves as virtuous, and thus as doing nothing wrong or bad in their everyday oppression– which is thus seen as something other than oppression or racial discrimination.

Pew also has some interesting data on other matters affecting Latinos:

One-in-ten Hispanics say that they have been asked by police or other authorities about their immigration status….According to the [Pew] 2008 National Survey of Latinos, 45% of Latinos said they had a great deal or fair amount of confidence that police officers in their communities would treat Latinos fairly. Eight-in-ten Hispanics say local police should not be involved in identifying undocumented or illegal immigrants.

Racial profiling and likely other police malpractice thus seem a reality for many Latinos in this country–even before Arizona’s nativistic legislators made it even more of a national discussion. Less than half have confidence in police officers treating folks fairly. Also

According to a 2009 Pew Hispanic Center survey of Hispanics ages 16 and older, one-third (32%) say they, a family member, or a close friend have experienced discrimination in the five years prior to the survey because of their racial or ethnic background.

Significant anti-Latino discrimination is regularly found in Pew surveys, but I have yet to see any national discussion of this raical discrimination. Indeed, to my knowledge well into the 21st century we still have no major study or book of the extensiveness of racial discrimination facing Latinos in the United States. How tardy is our contemporary “social science”?

Of course, a little recent social science data indicate that this Pew “32 percent” is very likely a severe underestimate of the actual discriminatory reality faced by Latinos. (And my Latino students report much more than this.)

I keep wondering when U.S. pollsters like those at Pew will get beyond their methodological naïveté on these matters, and ask in-depth questions that use savvy language likely to get people of color to talk more openly about the extensive discrimination they do face–more likely about 90 percent, not 32 percent, in recent months (not years).

Over at DailyKos Pennsylvania State Senator Daylin Leach makes some very important points about the vague language in the new Arizona law, which says a police officer in “any lawful contact” with people can investigate if they are immigrants here if he or she has a “reasonable suspicion” about that matter.

The key of course is these vague terms, which Leach argues well means police must do racial profiling:

“Any lawful contact” is such a breathtakingly broad standard it could mean literally any contact. It need not require suspicion that said person has committed a crime. It could be ascertaining if that person is a witness to a crime he is not suspected of. It could be simply asking the person to move out of the way if he’s standing in the wrong place. Once that contact is made, the police may request immigration documents based on “reasonable suspicion” of illegality.

OK, then how would a police officer have such a reasonable suspicion. What would the criteria be? Well, they have to be centrally about race:

Very few people wear “Kiss me, I’m illegal” T-shirts or spontaneously blurt out “You got me, I’m undocumented!” So what does an illegal immigrant look like? What would cause a police officer to interact with two people, and decide one person is worthy of further investigation and one is not? There is only one answer, race. Think of it this way. Two guys get into a fight while playing baseball. The police are called to break it up. Neither has ID. One is a Caucasian named Thomas Stevens who has no discernable accent. The other is a brown skinned man named Jose Figueroa who has a slight Hispanic accent. That’s all the officer knows. Which one of these men do you suppose will be detained for further investigation into his immigration status?

Presumably, the white conservative legislators know this is exactly what they have now forced Arizona police to do—violate U.S. civil rights laws by doing discriminating on the basis of race. I wonder how hard this one will be to knock down in U.S. courts?

And then there is their general ignorance of immigration, immigrants, and how the economy of Arizona runs on immigration–points underscored recently by distinguished Latino scholars.

Here is a draft letter from scholars at the National Association for Chicana and Chicano Studies, that is, researchers and analysts who really know the data on immigration and immigrants in the United States, especially in the Southwest. One of the sickest things about this country now is how the right-wing has moved us away from considering research data on many important issues of public policy. Take the now famous recent actions by the often illiterate (about history and immigration) legislators in the state of Arizona. Here is the insightful and extraordinarily informative letter, signed by a former student of mine at the University of Texas, well worth reading in its entirety:

May 3, 2010
The Honorable Jan Brewer
Governor of Arizona
1700 West Washington
Phoenix, Arizona 85007
Dear Governor Brewer and the People of Arizona’s Civil Society:
The National Association for Chicana and Chicano Studies (NACCS) was established in 1972 and is the nation’s oldest and largest professional scholarly organization dedicated to the study of the social sciences and humanities as these pertain to Mexican-origin peoples in the United States. Our membership covers every state in the union including Arizona, where several outstanding national higher education centers for Chicana/o Studies are located. We are writing to express our deepest concerns and convey our unwavering opposition to Arizona’s SB 1070.
The NACCS membership includes hundreds of social science experts and research scholars. At least four are former MacArthur “Genius” Fellows; more than fifty have authored prize-winning books; and many serve on corporate, foundation, and governmental boards and commissions. Some of us have served as elected officials or as college deans, provosts, and presidents. All of us are accomplished and widely-recognized scholarly authors, professors, and researchers. We are public servants in the real sense of providing rigorous education, training, and knowledge to diverse students and communities in the United States and beyond. Above all, we are Americans. Some of us trace our heritage in what is now the United States back dozens of generations. I personally trace my maternal ancestral tree to its “Black Irish” roots in the mid-1600s and much earlier if I include the clan lines of my Creek great-great grandmother, Missouri Ann Berryhill. Yet, here I am: An American of Mexican-Irish-German-Creek descent, who loves this country, and will eagerly defend, through peaceful non-violent means, its promise of democracy and largely unrealized humane potential.
Our NACCS colleagues have spent decades studying the law, culture, history, economics, and politics of immigration. Many have testified before Congress or before state and federal courts as expert witnesses. To cite just one example, NACCS members were among the expert witnesses for the U.S. Supreme Court decision in the case of “In Re: Alien Children Education Litigation,” a.k.a. Doe v Plyler, 457 U.S. 202 (1982). As you may recall, the judgment in that case was based on the Equal Protection and Due Process Clauses of the U.S Constitution, and was decisively against the State of Texas Education Code for discriminating against the children of out-of-status parents, many of them U.S.-born citizens. The lesson of that historic case was clear: We can not punish innocent children for acts committed by their parents and still claim to be a free and open society.
Over the past three decades, the social science scholarship on Mexican immigration has arrived at several indisputable conclusions based on overwhelming and systematic empirical evidence: First and foremost, the undocumented immigrant population pays more in taxes than it receives in the form of public services including healthcare and education (see for e.g., Perryman Group 2010). But this is about more than immigrants paying their “fair” share of taxes, without little hope of ever directly benefiting from their substantial contributions. The American Chamber of Commerce (1985) has long proposed that Mexico’s young workforce could be the key to keeping Social Security solvent at a time when the U.S. citizen workforce is retiring with fewer workers available to replace them.
Moreover, it is now indisputable that the post-1994 displacement of rural populations, including the indigenous peoples of Mexico, is the direct result of the implementation of NAFTA. It is equally irrefutable that the people of the Mexican Diaspora are revitalizing inner cities and many nearly abandoned rural towns in the United States. Ask small town mayors in the Midwest, Pacific Northwest, or South, and some will eagerly recount how immigrants have helped revitalize their communities, many of which were literally on the verge of becoming ghost towns. Ask inner city council members in any large U.S. city and they will acknowledge that immigrants bring prosperity, strong family values, and a community-oriented work ethic. Even former President Ronald Reagan understood this when he said: “Hispanics are Republicans; they just don’t know it yet.”
Another significant social science research finding is that undocumented workers stimulate job creation through increased demand for goods and services. Cities with the largest immigrant populations have the lowest unemployment rates in the country (Perryman Group 2010). Much of this economic activity is due to the entrepreneurial spirit of these immigrants who create their own small businesses to serve an ever more diverse and appreciative clientele. In Phoenix, for example, it is very likely that the owner, cook, or waitperson at your favorite restaurant is one of the immigrants that could suffer disparate treatment under SB 1070.
The social scientific community can assert with confidence that undocumented or out-of-status immigrants are taxpayers and they have a net positive impact on the U.S. economy. Indeed, not only are undocumented immigrants continuing to bolster Social Security “with billions,” as The New York Times and other mainstream media widely reported in 2005, but a more recent study suggests that the State of Arizona will stand to lose about 140,000 jobs and close to a billion dollars in state revenue if it enforces SB 1070 (Perryman Group 2010).
Insofar as immigration is a matter of federal and not state law, any reasonable person, even if only vaguely familiar with the U.S. Constitution, understands that SB 1070 violates the Supremacy Clause. This legislation also violates the Equal Protection and Due Process Clauses of the Constitution; the ACLU-Arizona and the Mexican American Legal Defense Fund (MALDEF) compellingly demonstrated this in letters submitted to you last week. As Anthony Romero, the head of the national ACLU affirms, “Arizona’s new law sacrifices the civil liberties of millions of people living and working in Arizona, while doing nothing to address the real problems the state is facing.” We anticipate with confidence that judicial review will render SB 1070 unconstitutional.
We are compelled to ask: Why did you sign an unconstitutional and inflammatory law? Surely you have read and understand the U.S. Constitution? We can only assess your motives for signing this bill in the context of other recent actions you have undertaken. This includes your active role as Arizona Secretary of State and as a key Republican Party leader and political operative in the efforts, during the 2008 elections, to block your state’s Latina/o voters from exercising their rightful franchise at the polls for presumably failing to prove their citizenship. This is one of the incidents that led to the scandalous and unethical firing of federal attorneys who failed to deliver or prosecute a single case of “illegal alien voter fraud.” This context leads us to conclude that the only reason you signed this law is politics, a politics of fear and hatred, designed – like the contrived alien voter fraud campaign – to deny Latina/o U.S. citizens the right to vote and to block efforts to expand the number of people with a direct legal right to participate in shaping the future of our democracy and commonwealth.
The use of misguided state-level legislation like SB 1070 to score political points with your base or in Washington, DC, even if it is intended to force badly needed and long overdue comprehensive immigration reform, is to play around with people’s lives. We judge this to be immoral and unethical and not just misguided. It demonstrates a lack of respect for the civil rights of Mexican-origin people who are U.S. citizens and the democratic principles of freedom, equal protection, and due process embodied by our Constitution.
SB 1070 is at best an inflammatory law and will surely come to serve as a rationale to justify violent attacks by the misguided against persons who appear to “look illegal.” This is what I call an “ecology of fear” and it is a political and civic climate, deliberately stoked by politicians, that creates an environment of intolerance, fear, insecurity, and hatred that is hostile to any one appearing “foreign” to the self-image of “white Americans” – be it immigrants or people of color in general.
Indeed, it is this ecology of fear that led to the murder of a young legal Ecuadorian immigrant in the Bushwick section of Brooklyn on December 7, 2008. The perpetrators of this crime were white youth who, like those convicted last month on Long Island for a similar crime, were out “Beaner hopping” or hunting for “illegal aliens.” In these difficult economic times, when our Nation’s white youth also invariably face the same stresses and tragedies of structural violence – poverty, unemployment, and lack of access to education or healthcare opportunities – it seems hardly surprising that they might engage in misguided acts of violence under the cover of a draconian law they misconstrue is designed to justify anyone wanting to target “suspect illegal aliens” for harassment or civilian arrest. We can only imagine what the more ideologically extremist and heavily-armed groups like the American Border Patrol and Minutemen are likely to do under the cover of the cloudy civil rights climate this law creates.
When such incidents occur in Arizona, as we predict will be the case because of the climate of racial hostility and hatred fed by SB 1070 in desperate economic times, will you then be prepared to renounce this law as misguided, harmful, and discriminatory? NACCS members expect U.S. elected officials to reject any laws or policies that are blatantly unconstitutional and that could unleash the same type of fury and violence that has given us the Trail of Tears, Wounded Knee, Soviet gulags, Nazi death camps, and the more recent ubiquitous killing fields wrought of ethnic cleansing in Bosnia, Rwanda, Darfur and a continuous “Third World War” waged on indigenous populations in places like Chiapas, Oaxaca, Guatemala, or El Salvador.
How are “random” murders and assaults different from the death toll of a systematic military campaign if the result is still many thousands of innocent dead and injured? How can your government explain the use of low-intensity counter-insurgency tactics, based on a policy of “militarization,” along the Arizona-Mexico border? How is that any different from an incremental approach to ethnic cleansing since such a policy funnels the flow of desperate people into the heat and death chamber of the desert or into the equally heinous realm of forced labor and slavery that undocumented workers are subject to in the Arpaio gulags or under the oppressive yolk of ruthless employers from New York City to Los Angeles? How do you justify this policy to the countless women raped, killed, and mutilated along the entire length of the border by sexual predators, paramilitary groups, ICE officers, and criminal organizations? We must all come to understand that the ecology of fear is a state of exception that suspends the rule of law while encouraging uninformed Americans and others to dehumanize and terrorize innocent human beings who are only guilty of trying to survive under the tyrannically-imposed conditions of a “bare life.”
Many of us have relatives in Arizona who trace their ancestry back to the early 1700s. Are these multigenerational Arizona natives also to be detained under the new law for “looking illegal”? Will you detain and deport Tohono O’odham natives with Spanish surnames and brown skin who are more likely to lack birth certificates or other proof of citizenship? You state that this is not racial profiling. We note your awkward reaction when you were asked to define “looking illegal” by a Chicana journalist at your press conference when you signed the bill. You admitted that you were not able to describe what an “illegal alien” looks like. You then vaguely asserted that there “were people in Arizona” who presumably would be able to make this determination, presumably in an “objective” and non-partisan manner. We must ask then, how you, as the leader of your state, expect anyone else to know the answer to this question. Similarly, we ask how you determined that a law that targets people that “look illegal,” is not a form of racial profiling, given that the average white Arizonan’s stereotype is that these so-called “illegals” are all Mexicans? How are you going to instruct the police to identify the 44 percent of undocumented immigrants in Arizona who are not Mexican or Latina/o? How will the police distinguish an undocumented Irish, Russian, Chinese, Spanish, Greek, or Canadian immigrant, from a legal one? Failing to do so will fall short of meeting the standards of heightened judicial scrutiny and SB 1070 will likely be disqualified as an act that perpetuates the creation of a disparate class of persons excluded from Constitutionally-guaranteed equal protection and due process rights by the very nature of the prescribed police actions.
We are aware of the role of FAIR (Federation for American Immigration Reform) in drafting of the language of SB 1070. We are also aware of the funding FAIR has received for decades from the Pioneer Fund, a notorious non-profit foundation that promotes the use of practical eugenics and selective national-origin quota laws as policies to ensure the survival and supremacy of the “white race” as the dominant actor in U.S. culture, society, and politics. The association between the principal architect of the law, Russell Pearce, FAIR, and the Pioneer Fund taints SB 1070 with the legacy of hateful racist ideology. We are also aware that Mr. Pearce has known Nazi Party associates and indeed has enthusiastically greeted them in public venues. The emerging electoral majority and swing-vote bloc comprised of Latina/o and other voters of color in this country, including those in Arizona, will likely consider any elected official that has supported, voted for, or endorsed this unconstitutional law as an unworthy champion of a racist vision of the United States misshapen by those who errantly and fearfully believe it is and must remain a White-Christian nation.
The United States is an inspiring experiment in multi-‘racial’ [sic] Democracy; much of its more noble achievements arose from multicultural public life; the country is also strongly characterized by ecumenical diversity including those persons, families, and communities that do not believe in a Christian Creator or in a God at all. This is for the majority of Americans, including Mexican-origin Americans, a tumultuous, and at times untidy and messy, but ultimately joyous and exhilarating process of cultural change and evolution. For most Americans, and especially for young people in the Millennial Generation, the demographic transition to a “majority of ethnic minorities” is not a calamity or devolution into savagery. It is not the end of history; it is not the beginning of a “wetback” invasion or a fantasy “re-Conquest.” It is not the end of Euro-American cultures or of protestant values; nor is it an end to English as our primary political, administrative, and scientific language. It is instead a step forward in the American Experiment through the inspiring progressive hope and creativity unleashed by the multi-hued rainbow of human energy nurtured by our society’s liberal – and we hope, eventually participatory – democratic traditions. This is the very reason that so many people wish to come to this nation to become part of a wondrous, ever-shifting multicultural and multiethnic mosaic with an unfathomable depth of possible “just” futures.
We therefore urge all of Arizona civil society to embrace the ethical principle that “No Human Being is Illegal,” as stated pro-forma in the United Nations Declaration of Human Rights. We urge Arizona civil society to publicly endorse and support a policy of comprehensive federal immigration reform that emphasizes the rights of workers, women, and indigenous peoples within the framework of the broader goals of social justice through sustainable and equitable development. We urge Arizonans to declare their support for federal policies that replace the over-militarization of the border and its Arpaio gulags with reforms that address the structural inequities and violence unleashed by NAFTA that resulted in the displacement of more than 8 million farmers and their families – among them people who are now trying to live, work, and survive among us.
These changes are largely consequences of the process of top-down globalization unleashed by treaties like NAFTA, and thus efforts to resolve immigration will ultimately have to address multi-lateral concerns and the broadest societal needs in a climate of equitable negotiations among Mexico, the United States, Canada, and other parties. Arizona civil society groups can actively work through horizontal mobilization with allies across borders to create spaces for meaningful and humane immigration reform that builds on grassroots development programs that directly match the remittances workers send back to their origin communities. Rural Mexico can and must be rebuilt from the grassroots-up and fair-minded Americans can help in this more open and democratic process. Also, a path to naturalized citizenship and other forms of permanent legal status for out-of-status workers currently in the United States should certainly become part of a more progressive vision for comprehensive immigration reform. It is time to stop deporting the families of immigrants who have died fighting for the U.S. in Iraq and Afghanistan. It is time to reunite the numerous families split by draconian raids and roundups that have steadily increased since 2001. We are all human beings and not one among us all should be treated as cattle to be herded and prodded into holding pens for processing, persecution, and deportation without due process and equal protection under the rule of law.
Finally, because as Governor you signed an unconstitutional law that is a thinly veiled form of institutionalized racial discrimination, NACCS is joining, and widely endorsing, a targeted economic boycott of your state. I use the term ‘targeted’ because we are not abandoning our colleagues, families, friends, and communities in Arizona. Our organization will remain especially vigilant and active in your state as a result of SB 1070 and the National Office and Chair will directly participate in ongoing efforts to hold your state and elected officials accountable through heightened scrutiny of police and elected official misconduct, a “score card” on “democracy-haters,” and other educational, media outreach, and networking events including efforts to help Arizonans understand that “race” is a phantom menace. We are all the same race: The human race. Undocumented workers and their families may be from distinct ethnic and national-origin populations but that does not mean they share some indelible “racial” phenotype or static and homogeneous cultural memory as a people. I close, by noting that we have held our annual national convention in Arizona before (1992, 2000) and we were discussing a return in 2012 or 2013. We do not plan to return any time soon and certainly not until this law is repealed and the State of Arizona rejoins our nation’s humanity in respecting the Constitutional rights of all U.S. citizens and immigrants, whatever their status. The State of Arizona must return to the democratic fold and respect the Equal Protection Clause, part of the Fourteenth Amendment to the United States Constitution, that provides that “no state shall … deny to any person within its jurisdiction the equal protection of the laws.” The original language of the Constitution states “any person within the jurisdiction of,” it does not state, “ONLY citizens need apply.” The due process and equal protection clauses apply to all persons within the territorial jurisdiction of the U.S. This includes undocumented workers, who are in the end the dignified and creative peoples of the NAFTA-induced Mesoamerican Diaspora. They are helping us rebuild a more democratic, resilient, and justice-loving America based on their own blood, sweat, and tears, and dreams. In the end, just like you and me.
Sincerely,

Devon G. Peña, Ph.D., Chair (2010-11)
National Association for Chicana and Chicano Studies
P.O. Box 720052
San Jose, CA 95972-0052; Email: dpena@naccs.org



At DailyKos today Blueness reminds us of how brave Americans can be in the struggle for racial equality. On this day, some 47 years ago the courageous William Moore, a postal worker and civil rights activist from Baltimore began his walk from Chattanooga to Jackson, Mississippi. He had a letter for one of our leading autocratic, white supremacist politicians, heading up a totalitarian Jim Crow system, Governor Ross Barnett of Mississippi– a letter pressing him for racial desegregation. This was Moore’s third freedom walk:

On Moore’s final walk, as soon as he crossed the state line into Alabama, he was assailed by white motorists who denounced him as a “nigger-lover,” and pelted him with rocks. On April 23, radio station WGAD in Gadsden, Alabama received an anonymous phone tip as to Moore’s location. Reporter Charlie Hicks drove out to find Moore walking along a rural stretch of Highway 11 near Attalla. Moore told Hicks, “I intend to walk right up to the governor’s mansion in Mississippi and ring his door bell. Then I’ll hand him my letter.” …. Less than an hour after Hicks left him, a motorist found Moore’s body about a mile farther down the road, shot twice in the head at close range with a .22 caliber rifle. The gun was traced to one Floyd Simpson, a member of the Ku Klux Klan, with whom Moore had discussed integration, interracial marriage, and religion earlier in the day.

“I don’t see how anybody,” Simpson later said, “could believe in such things as intermarriage between the white and Negro races unless he was being paid for it. I told him they are having trouble in Birmingham, and I advised him to turn back as he would never get through Birmingham.”

Moore’s letter to Governor Barnet thad this message:

the white man cannot be truly free himself until all men have their rights. . .. Be gracious and give more than is immediately demanded of you.

Blueness continues with the follow-up:

Over the next month, 29 other people, black and white, tried to complete Moore’s walk. All carried signs reading “Mississippi Or Bust.” All were arrested and jailed.

And of course there was little white support, even from “liberal sources” for such protests, something we should not forget either:

The New York Times opined that Moore had died on a “pitifully naive pilgrimage”; two years previously, in the wake of brutal assaults on Freedom Riders, a Gallup poll found that 63% of white Americans who were aware of white civil-rights activists, like Moore and the Freedom Riders, disapproved of them. Just weren’t ready yet, most white folk.

Many whites still are not prepared for a truly desegregated society. Moore was 36 years old, a CORE member and veteran civil rights activist, and he was white. (see here).