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A new documentary, “9500 Liberty,” offers a revealing look at the battle over immigration in the U.S. through the lens of one place, Prince William County, Virginia. The film has already won several film festival awards, and this is a trailer for the film (4:23) which gives you a sense of it:

Filmmakers Annabel Park and Eric Byler describe the film this way:

9500 Liberty reveals the startling vulnerability of a local government, targeted by national anti-immigration networks using the Internet to frighten and intimidate lawmakers and citizens. Alarmed by a climate of fear and racial division, residents form a resistance using YouTube videos and virtual townhalls, setting up a real-life showdown in the seat of county government. The devastating social and economic impact of the “Immigration Resolution” is felt in the lives of real people in homes and in local businesses. But the ferocious fight to adopt and then reverse this policy unfolds inside government chambers, on the streets, and on the Internet. 9500 Liberty provides a front row seat to all three battlegrounds.

You can find upcoming screenings and theatrical releases here.

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Jul
28

Without Struggle, No Progress

Posted by: Jessie | Comments (3)

People often ask me if I believe in “progress.”  By that, they usually mean, do I think there’s been “progress” in the way this country deals with racism.  I usually answer by saying, “I believe in struggle,”  paraphrasing Frederick Douglass’ famous quote:  “If there is no struggle, there can be no progress.“   There was some good news in the struggle toward racial justice today.   Here’s a brief recap:

  • The House passed legislation reducing the two-decades-old sentencing disparity between crack and powder cocaine offenses. The Senate passed an identical bill in March and the legislation is now heading to President Obama, who supports the reform effort (h/t Drug Policy Alliance via Julie Netherland).  This is good news in the struggle for racial inequality because sentencing for powder cocaine, disproportionately used by whites, has traditionally had much lighter sentences than for crack cocaine, more often used by African Americans.  These unjust sentencing laws were enacted in the 1980s, under President Ronald Reagan.

(Image from here.)

  • A federal judge blocked the most controversial parts of Arizona’s immigration enforcement law from going into effect.  Judge Susan Bolton took aim at the parts Arizona’s draconian immigration law that have generated the most controversy, and issued a preliminary injunction against sections that called for police officers to check a person’s immigration status while enforcing other laws and that required immigrants to carry their papers at all times.   This is good news in the struggle for racial equality because it means that Mexican Americans and Mexican immigrants living in Arizona may be able to live their lives without being harassed.

These changes are good news and evidence that struggle can create progress, but make no mistake – these are small changes.    And, these small changes that took large numbers of people, several agencies and non-profit organizations, and legislators to create.

There still remains a lot of work to be done around drug policy and around immigration reform.   Drug laws are perhaps the centerpiece in the racial caste system of that is the U.S. criminal justice system.   Arizona’s Maricopa County Sheriff Joe Arpaio says that he will arrest any one protesting the immigration law there.

If and when big change comes in these arenas, it will be because people worked and struggled to make change, not because there is some inevitable, progressive trend toward racial equality.

In recent weeks there have been a series of attacks against Mexican immigrants on Staten Island, a borough of New York City.  The police are currently investigating another possible hate crime that occurred around 5:00 p.m. on Friday night.   News reports say that a 31-year-old Mexican man was walking home from playing soccer at a local park when he was attacked by five men yelling anti-Mexican slurs.

There is something of a history of hate crimes against Mexican immigrants on Staten Island.    In 2008, a man living in the Port Richmond area of Staten Island took out his racism-fueled anger by driving his truck into store fronts he believed were owned by Mexican immigrants.

This kind of violence directed toward a particular group can be attributed, at least in part, to the anti-Mexican and anti-immigrant rhetoric that is becoming more pervasive in the current political climate.   Evidence of this hostile climate is as close as the nearest Google search.   Type in the keyword “Mexicans” and get the suggested “Related search: I hate Mexicans.”   Also, note the racist images that generated just on the search for “Mexicans.”  This sort of rhetoric is not only created by those on the (supposed) lunatic fringe of society, but by some mainstream news media talking heads as well.  This kind of hostile environment – in speech, in images – eventually leads to action that affects real human beings.

There are ways to stand up against this sort of violence and intolerance.  The folks at Change.org have launched a website based on anti-racist actions, called Not in Our Town. The site is dedicated to empowering people to fight back against hate and intolerance in their communities.  When attacks like these occur, revealing a dangerous atmosphere of hate, it’s up to everyone to denounce that hate and violence and work toward building a community that is safe for everybody.

UPDATED 8/5/10: Another person has been attacked on Staten Island.  A young man, Christian Vazquez, 18 who volunteers at with an anti-violence organization, was kicked and punched to the ground by assailants allegedly yelling anti-Mexican slurs. The attack was the 11th bias incident in the Port Richmond area since April.  Some New Yorkers continue to stand up and speak out against this anti-immigrant, anti-Latino violence, as in the recent “Night Out Against Crime” event.

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I’ll bet Arizona’s mostly white nativists, including right-wing Republicans, did not see this one coming. Native American groups in Arizona have made it clear they will not enforce the new Arizona anti-immigrants law. An Arizona Capitol Times report by Evan Wyloge states:

Native American tribes are charging that the law was written without considering their unique circumstance and that it will violate their sovereignty and their members’ civil rights. Despite a request by Gov. Jan Brewer’s office to comply with the new law, Native American tribes will continue to oppose it and seek ways to avoid its implementation, said John Lewis, executive director of the Inter Tribal Council of Arizona, which represents 20 tribes in the state. [and a fifth of the lands]

One reason is that the new law will

lead to disproportionate stops and detentions for tribal members, violate their sovereignty and negatively impact the tribal economy.

Police officers, especially white officers, are likely to target Native Americans, because they often look Latino. I wonder why that is? Could it be because a majority of Mexicans and Mexican Americans have substantial Native American (indigenous) ancestry?

And that raises another point. Aren’t most European Americans in Arizona and elsewhere the descendants of undocumented immigrants who came into a country without the permission (and often against the opposition) of the existing indigenous inhabitants? (We had no general exclusionary immigration laws until 1920-1924, so requiring immigration documents for all is fairly new in this country’s history.)

Hmmm. Does that also mean that a majority of current Mexican immigrants have deeper historical and ancestral roots in North America, and in what used to be northern Mexico (e.g., Arizona), than European Americans?

Navajo Nation Councilmember Delegate Kee Allen Begay Jr. has commented on the implications of the law:

“What if we had a law that said whenever a white person is traveling through the Navajo Reservation, we have reasonable suspicion that they’re carrying drugs? Where would the outcry on that be? ….We were here before anyone else, before any white people, and now we’re going to be questioned about being here legally?”

What if, indeed!

Anna grew up the youngest daughter in of Mexican immigrants who earned a meager living as farmer workers in Burley, Idaho. Who would have imagined she would become a successful attorney in a city like Seattle? Who would have imagined she would win the 2009 King County Bar Association’s Pro Bono award—an award usually reserved for attorneys from the big firms, not for lawyers in solo practice who devote themselves to the area of labor law helping undocumented workers collect wages they are owed? Who would have imagined she would unexpectedly become the legal guardian and new mom of her niece’s three- year-old son because her niece was shot and killed by her husband and the father is in jail?

As Anna recalls the experiences that motivated her to go to law school, she notes they weren’t all pleasant. Her reasons stemmed mostly from witnessing her parent’s being treated terribly. She hated that they weren’t treated fairly when they worked in the fields, whether it was in the sugar beets, the beans, or in the potato fields. Remembering the conditions in the fields made her cry, particularly when she described having to take their own toilet paper because they didn’t have bathrooms, or when the ranchers would give them unfair and illegal rules such as only allowing them fifteen minute lunch breaks. What was worse, she stressed, was that her parent’s would be even stricter by imposing only a ten-minute lunch on her and her family so that the rancher wouldn’t get mad at them for taking lunch at all. Her dad was always particularly cautious when it came to the ranchers or bosses because he didn’t have any power or rights. And that lack of power for her dad is what made her want to go on to law school.

As an undergraduate she told her advising professor that she was interested in going to law school. Her professor told her flat out that she didn’t have what it takes to be a lawyer. Of course, as a Latina from her socio-economic and racialized background, she had heard this kind of “advice” from her teachers before. While it made her angry, she didn’t internalize it. She had stopped doing this a long time ago. Instead she told herself that this political science professor didn’t know what he was talking about. After all, he wasn’t a lawyer. When she was offered an opportunity to attend Gonzaga University’s Summer Pre-law program and her life took off. It was at Gonzaga that she met other Latinas from different regions of the country, all from farm worker backgrounds and they understood each other. They knew the same Mexican musicians, they could speak Spanish, they shared many of the same experiences (including many of the same reasons for wanting to go to law school), they understood the same jokes, and they were all Latinas who were driven and ambitious and wanted to succeed. For the first time in her life, Anna felt comfortable and at peace with others from her culture who were also ambitious and driven.

Windy Field
(Creative Commons License photo credit: crowdive)

However it wasn’t easy. Her first year in law school was a difficult one. She was going through a divorce from a very controlling husband. She was having a lot of health problems from all the stress. In addition, there were family obligations and pressures to contend with during that crucial first year of law school: her oldest brother got into trouble with the law, her other brother became seriously ill with diabetes, her youngest brother’s family life was falling apart, and her mother had to return to Mexico because her aunt had passed away. So she was dealing with all these family pressures and problems and went to the Dean of the law school to see what would happen if she would just drop out that year. When the Dean told her that if she quit, she would not be guaranteed a spot the following year. At the time the doctors weren’t sure of her medical diagnosis, so they couldn’t postpone her final exams on medical grounds, and she knew she would just get further and further behind. She either had to finish the year or quit law school altogether. She decided to make it through her first year final examinations. She recalls that during one final examination she actually just put her head down and started to write her exam and to cry. She wrote the whole exam with her head on her desk while crying. Somehow she passed it. Somehow she passed all her exams that year and she made it through her first year of law school when at times getting to class was all she could handle.

After earning her law degree she returned to Idaho to try to help farm workers, but in many ways she felt she was in a straight jacket. Due to the systemic institutional racism that farm workers lived under, she felt as if all she could do was say, “I can’t help you” in Spanish. She described the story of people coming to her telling her that a brother was in Mexico because the rancher called immigration to avoid paying him, but since the brother was no longer in the country, she couldn’t collect his wages for him. She recalled another example of being powerless to help when a farm worker was injured on the job, because farm workers couldn’t receive workers compensation since farm work was exempt from workers compensation at that time. Frustrated and ready to leave Idaho behind, she was offered a position at the Northwest Justice Project in Seattle and took it. Now in solo practice, she has been practicing law in Seattle ever since.

Although far removed from the suffering she and her family experienced as farm workers, and far removed from many of the obstacles she had to overcome to attend and complete law school, Anna’s story is the story of many Latinos who must balance their lives in American culture by doing what is necessary to succeed, while at the same time, trying not to let the process of success change them in ways that are antithetical to traditional Latino culture and values. Her story highlights that for many first generation Latino professionals, the Latino culture is critical for survival and for success, it is the foundation and the motivation for all that they do. However, it also shows that because Latinos as a group are situated in a disadvantaged position in society, Latino professionals are never too far from the pain and dysfunction found in their communities of origin. It seems there is always a crisis when you come from a poor immigrant family without many rights in society.

Often the economic pressures, the cultural expectations of being available to the family (no matter what the situation may be), the fear of the unknown—many times from the parents’ negative experiences in a racist and unkind society, and the need to become too individualistic or too “Americanized,” make it extremely difficult for Latino professionals. In Latino culture one’s family comes first. La familia is one of the most noble and honored priorities of the culture.

Anna’s story of growing up in a farm worker immigrant household in Idaho to becoming such a successful attorney that won the King County Bar Association’s Pro Bono Award, to raising her niece’s three year old son as her own son demonstrates that if you don’t give up, if you are there for the family, if you fight the good fight, then you can become a great success. But it isn’t easy. You have to be strong enough to resist the stereotyping, the questioning, and the racialization you encounter in your new professional role. And at the same time, you have to be available to drop everything you are doing and help out your family or it can be seen as an act of betrayal to your family that you’re not there for them. This is a lot to balance. However, as Anna looks back on her life now, she realizes that part of her is and will always be drawn back to her roots, to her family, and to her culture. She hopes she can instill this cultural strength in her new son as her parents did for her, because in the end her culture is what helped her persevere.

Anna’s story is reflective of many of the stories I heard from the Latinos I interviewed. Her experiences demonstrate not only the white discrimination and opposition her and her family encountered over and over again, but her story is also reflective of the many strategies of resistance Latinos use to confront the racial, class, and gender oppression they experience. Chou and Feagin observe that “among all groups of color, only African Americans have managed to create a strong counterframe and to teach it to successive generations” Yet they discovered in their study of Asian Americans, that communities of color such as Asians are displaying acts of resistance even if they are not direct. Similarly, the Latino respondents in this study are also actively resisting the negative framing of who they are. Often the strategies of resistance to the openly anti-Latino climate in America begin at home. Like Anna’s parents, most of the Latinos in this study came from families who wanted them to lay low and not to make waves. Why: because as an immigrant family, one doesn’t make waves or draw attention to themselves. However, one thing many of the parents insisted upon was that that the respondents learn and speak Spanish at home. Speaking Spanish become a way for them to maintain some sort of semblance of dignity when everything around them told them that they were inferior.

Professor Ron Schmidt understands this well when he writes, “Despite the controversy surrounding English-only debates, the importance of language, identity, and culture go hand-in-hand.” Professor Schmidt argues that language is central to one’s identity; to attack it is to attack the person. He states, “[I]f language, for example, becomes an important marker of ethnic identity, then language policy represents one avenue through which to gain greater public recognition and respect for a particular ethnic community” (p. 53).He is absolutely right. Nearly half of the Latino respondents in this study spoke Spanish as a first language and over thirty percent indicated that they currently speak both English and Spanish within both their family settings and social occasions.

Language and cultural maintenance become heroic acts of resistance on the part of immigrants and their children who often have so few rights.

~ This post is an excerpt from a book manuscript by Dr. Mária Chávez, Assistant Professor, Pacific Lutheran University



U.S. citizens uncertain about Arizona’s new immigration law would do well to remember who has been doing the actual hard labor under the hot desert sun long before Arizona became a state in 1912. Like the rest of the U.S., Arizona was initially Native American land. It used to be part of the Territory of New Mexico. During Lincoln’s administration, Congress made it a separate territory in 1863. Both Arizona and New Mexico have been territories of the U.S. since 1848, following President Polk’s two-year war with Mexico. At that juncture, Arizona had less than 1,000 Hispanics, 4,040 “Indians,” and 2,421 whites. 1848 was the same year the famous Kit Carson rounded up the Navajo with the help of American soldiers and the Ute. After, 8,000 Navajo were forced to undertake the Long Walk to the Bosque Redondo Reservation in New Mexico. The Navajo were permitted to return in 1868, but the Apache continued to resist until the Chiricahua were forcibly relocated to Florida in 1886. Today, more than 14 tribes live on 20 reservations, and Arizona reminds us of Geronimo and Cochise, the great chiefs who fought Indian removals. Although initially sparsely populated, Arizona has been slowly transformed from the wild, unbearably sun-scorched terrain it used to offer residents to the moment the Arizona Biltmore in Phoenix air-conditioned the hotel in 1962. Indeed, the air-conditioner is most responsible for turning Arizona into a tourist destination, enhancing the state’s economic engines in copper, cotton, cattle, citrus, and electronics. Two-thirds of the U.S.’s copper is still mined there, and mining has been king since gold and silver dwindled and electricity gave the metal value in the 1870s.

When mining, cotton, cattle and citrus were introduced, who largely provided the work force? Arizona’s economy has always depended on the region’s minority people for cheap common labor, on Native Americans and on the Spanish-speakers who have lived in the desert long before Mexico won its independence from Spain in 1821. Arizona has always offered more work opportunities than residents can handle, and for that reason it used to welcome and even encouraged Mexicans to cross the border to help upgrade its ranches and farms. That commerce progressively altered Arizona from a suffocating wilderness used by outlaws into a chic, spa-and-golf environment used by movie stars and the rich since Marilyn Monroe lounged at the Biltmore.

That is why Arizona’s recent SB 1070 law is so stunning and incomprehensible. Arizona, of course, is not the only state or part of the country that has relied on immigrant, cheap labor to turn our economies into global world market leaders. Texas, California–name most states or U.S. regions–and economists will tell us that cheap, foreign-hands labor has been in there doing the hard manual work needed to transform society’s infrastructure, promoting and giving visibility to “Progress.” Since many “illegal aliens” historically leave their countries to throw in their fates and the futures of their children with the regions that have employed their skills and talents for generations, isn’t it rather thankless now to disinvite and actually to throw them out of the U.S.? These workers have long survived on pauper’s wages. Our country has labeled them “illegal,” allowing our citizens to pay the “aliens” whatever we have wanted. But since January 1, 2009, Arizonians have had to pay them at least $7.25 per hour of work, too. Illegal workers interviewed by Univision now say that not enough people are hiring them off the curbs where for years they used to be picked up to cut grass, repair homes, and provide other services. How fair is it to use language–to mix our good, reliable workers with “terrorists” and “drug gangsters,” as Arizona’s new immigration law does? What SB 1070 underscores is that whites who voted for it enjoy being domineering.

Marco Portales is a Texas A&M professor and author of Why Pancho Villa and Emiliano Zapata Wore Cananas: A 100th Year Photo History of the Mexican Revolution, 1910-1928. (Copies available from mportales@tamu.edu)



The New York Times has a report (h/t J Cobas) that accents important points about immigration reality, given that craziness seems to be the norm in much debate over immigration–recently and strongly in Arizona. Given all the debates, a reader of the mainstream media would assume crime rates are up in Arizona because of undocumented immigrants (aka human beings trying to survive). The death that José pointed up here of Robert Krentz, the mild-mannered and kind Arizona rancher opposed to immigration, yet willing to help the undocumented, is used by the racist right to stir hostility to undocumented Americans from Mexico. The Times points to an important point that only occasionally gets noticed:

But the rate of violent crime at the border, and indeed across Arizona, has been declining, according to the Federal Bureau of Investigation, as has illegal immigration, according to the Border Patrol. … F.B.I. statistics show that Arizona is relatively safe.

Recognition of that fact about crime—it is declining and lower in Arizona than in US generally—should put a damper on racist hysteria that lies behind much anti-immigrant legislation, in Arizona and beyond.

The decline in undocumented immigrants, one might think, would be factored into efforts at legislation. Why has it been largely ignored in these debates?

The Times, as is its custom too often, tries to provide “balance” to the racist right by accenting the social psychology on “both sides” (it has only two sides?) of the immigration situation:

Judith Gans, who studies immigration at the Udall Center for Studies in Public Policy at the University of Arizona, said that what social psychologists call self-serving perception bias seemed to be at play. Both sides in the immigration debate accept information that confirms their biases, she said, and discard, ignore or rationalize information that does not. There is no better example than the role of crime in Arizona’s tumultuous immigration debate.

Well, actually, there seems to be more ignoring of the information on the anti-immigrant side. (The social science critics of the anti-immigration folks generally have more data supporting their critique, “their side,” I can attest as a researcher in this area.) I also wonder if that anti-immigration perspective getting so much attention could have anything to do with the fact that whites, disproportionately conservative whites, control much of the mainstream print, radio, television media across the country? Immigrants and supporters, as I peruse the mainstream media, get much less say about these matters than anti-immigration folks—including the fringe on the far right. This article itself is an example, given how rare it is in the mainstream media. Indeed, few research experts on undocumented immigration seem to get called for way too many of these mainstream media stories.

There is also the fact that the Times article ignores the structural realities central to these immigration issues. These include the large number of (heavily white) employers in the U.S. Southwest and elsewhere who have actively recruited Mexican workers, now for a modest 100 years. Then there is the reason for most drug smuggling across the U.S.-Mexico border: U.S. citizens consume large amounts of drugs from Mexico. One would think that supply-and-demand thinking that goes with conservative “market” perspectives would pay most attention to “demanders” of Mexican workers and Mexican-source drugs. Yet, the mostly white demanders get remarkably little attention.


The Associated press reports on this white politician running for the U.S. Congress:

The Republican nominee for a New Mexico congressional seat suggested during a radio interview that the United States could place land mines along the Mexican border to secure the international boundary. …. mine the border, install barbed wire and post signs directing would-be border jumpers to cross legally at designated checkpoints.

He later said he was reporting on a suggestion he had heard on the campaign. Yet, his comment did not get national attention and did not alienate Republican voters, as he won the Republican nomination. This radical-right stuff is getting so far out, it takes one’s breath away. Over at Dailykos, Jake McIntyre comments:

Anti-personnel land mines are arbitrary, frighteningly random dealers of death condemned by the vast majority of nations. (A total of 156 countries have signed the Ottawa Treaty completely banning their use, although the US is, sadly, not one of them.) Land mines kill children as surely as criminals, Americans as surely as Mexicans; they lay in place for decades, long after their deployment is forgotten… Asking for land mines to be placed in the ground of your own state? … It strikes me as a conscious decision to turn one’s back on civilization….

Evidently, some in the white radical-right community have framed Mexican workers and families in such extremist terms as “not human” that they do not consider killing them—women, children, and men—a significant human, ethical, and moral problem. Almost daily the media are now filled with chilling authoritarian or militaristic commentary that is all too close to what was going on in Germany just prior to, and during, the rise of the Nazis in the 1920s and 1930s. It does not take much these days to frighten some (influential and other) whites over into this kind of hyper-hostile targeting of some human beings as no longer human.

Over at DailyKos Pennsylvania State Senator Daylin Leach makes some very important points about the vague language in the new Arizona law, which says a police officer in “any lawful contact” with people can investigate if they are immigrants here if he or she has a “reasonable suspicion” about that matter.

The key of course is these vague terms, which Leach argues well means police must do racial profiling:

“Any lawful contact” is such a breathtakingly broad standard it could mean literally any contact. It need not require suspicion that said person has committed a crime. It could be ascertaining if that person is a witness to a crime he is not suspected of. It could be simply asking the person to move out of the way if he’s standing in the wrong place. Once that contact is made, the police may request immigration documents based on “reasonable suspicion” of illegality.

OK, then how would a police officer have such a reasonable suspicion. What would the criteria be? Well, they have to be centrally about race:

Very few people wear “Kiss me, I’m illegal” T-shirts or spontaneously blurt out “You got me, I’m undocumented!” So what does an illegal immigrant look like? What would cause a police officer to interact with two people, and decide one person is worthy of further investigation and one is not? There is only one answer, race. Think of it this way. Two guys get into a fight while playing baseball. The police are called to break it up. Neither has ID. One is a Caucasian named Thomas Stevens who has no discernable accent. The other is a brown skinned man named Jose Figueroa who has a slight Hispanic accent. That’s all the officer knows. Which one of these men do you suppose will be detained for further investigation into his immigration status?

Presumably, the white conservative legislators know this is exactly what they have now forced Arizona police to do—violate U.S. civil rights laws by doing discriminating on the basis of race. I wonder how hard this one will be to knock down in U.S. courts?

And then there is their general ignorance of immigration, immigrants, and how the economy of Arizona runs on immigration–points underscored recently by distinguished Latino scholars.

Here is a draft letter from scholars at the National Association for Chicana and Chicano Studies, that is, researchers and analysts who really know the data on immigration and immigrants in the United States, especially in the Southwest. One of the sickest things about this country now is how the right-wing has moved us away from considering research data on many important issues of public policy. Take the now famous recent actions by the often illiterate (about history and immigration) legislators in the state of Arizona. Here is the insightful and extraordinarily informative letter, signed by a former student of mine at the University of Texas, well worth reading in its entirety:

May 3, 2010
The Honorable Jan Brewer
Governor of Arizona
1700 West Washington
Phoenix, Arizona 85007
Dear Governor Brewer and the People of Arizona’s Civil Society:
The National Association for Chicana and Chicano Studies (NACCS) was established in 1972 and is the nation’s oldest and largest professional scholarly organization dedicated to the study of the social sciences and humanities as these pertain to Mexican-origin peoples in the United States. Our membership covers every state in the union including Arizona, where several outstanding national higher education centers for Chicana/o Studies are located. We are writing to express our deepest concerns and convey our unwavering opposition to Arizona’s SB 1070.
The NACCS membership includes hundreds of social science experts and research scholars. At least four are former MacArthur “Genius” Fellows; more than fifty have authored prize-winning books; and many serve on corporate, foundation, and governmental boards and commissions. Some of us have served as elected officials or as college deans, provosts, and presidents. All of us are accomplished and widely-recognized scholarly authors, professors, and researchers. We are public servants in the real sense of providing rigorous education, training, and knowledge to diverse students and communities in the United States and beyond. Above all, we are Americans. Some of us trace our heritage in what is now the United States back dozens of generations. I personally trace my maternal ancestral tree to its “Black Irish” roots in the mid-1600s and much earlier if I include the clan lines of my Creek great-great grandmother, Missouri Ann Berryhill. Yet, here I am: An American of Mexican-Irish-German-Creek descent, who loves this country, and will eagerly defend, through peaceful non-violent means, its promise of democracy and largely unrealized humane potential.
Our NACCS colleagues have spent decades studying the law, culture, history, economics, and politics of immigration. Many have testified before Congress or before state and federal courts as expert witnesses. To cite just one example, NACCS members were among the expert witnesses for the U.S. Supreme Court decision in the case of “In Re: Alien Children Education Litigation,” a.k.a. Doe v Plyler, 457 U.S. 202 (1982). As you may recall, the judgment in that case was based on the Equal Protection and Due Process Clauses of the U.S Constitution, and was decisively against the State of Texas Education Code for discriminating against the children of out-of-status parents, many of them U.S.-born citizens. The lesson of that historic case was clear: We can not punish innocent children for acts committed by their parents and still claim to be a free and open society.
Over the past three decades, the social science scholarship on Mexican immigration has arrived at several indisputable conclusions based on overwhelming and systematic empirical evidence: First and foremost, the undocumented immigrant population pays more in taxes than it receives in the form of public services including healthcare and education (see for e.g., Perryman Group 2010). But this is about more than immigrants paying their “fair” share of taxes, without little hope of ever directly benefiting from their substantial contributions. The American Chamber of Commerce (1985) has long proposed that Mexico’s young workforce could be the key to keeping Social Security solvent at a time when the U.S. citizen workforce is retiring with fewer workers available to replace them.
Moreover, it is now indisputable that the post-1994 displacement of rural populations, including the indigenous peoples of Mexico, is the direct result of the implementation of NAFTA. It is equally irrefutable that the people of the Mexican Diaspora are revitalizing inner cities and many nearly abandoned rural towns in the United States. Ask small town mayors in the Midwest, Pacific Northwest, or South, and some will eagerly recount how immigrants have helped revitalize their communities, many of which were literally on the verge of becoming ghost towns. Ask inner city council members in any large U.S. city and they will acknowledge that immigrants bring prosperity, strong family values, and a community-oriented work ethic. Even former President Ronald Reagan understood this when he said: “Hispanics are Republicans; they just don’t know it yet.”
Another significant social science research finding is that undocumented workers stimulate job creation through increased demand for goods and services. Cities with the largest immigrant populations have the lowest unemployment rates in the country (Perryman Group 2010). Much of this economic activity is due to the entrepreneurial spirit of these immigrants who create their own small businesses to serve an ever more diverse and appreciative clientele. In Phoenix, for example, it is very likely that the owner, cook, or waitperson at your favorite restaurant is one of the immigrants that could suffer disparate treatment under SB 1070.
The social scientific community can assert with confidence that undocumented or out-of-status immigrants are taxpayers and they have a net positive impact on the U.S. economy. Indeed, not only are undocumented immigrants continuing to bolster Social Security “with billions,” as The New York Times and other mainstream media widely reported in 2005, but a more recent study suggests that the State of Arizona will stand to lose about 140,000 jobs and close to a billion dollars in state revenue if it enforces SB 1070 (Perryman Group 2010).
Insofar as immigration is a matter of federal and not state law, any reasonable person, even if only vaguely familiar with the U.S. Constitution, understands that SB 1070 violates the Supremacy Clause. This legislation also violates the Equal Protection and Due Process Clauses of the Constitution; the ACLU-Arizona and the Mexican American Legal Defense Fund (MALDEF) compellingly demonstrated this in letters submitted to you last week. As Anthony Romero, the head of the national ACLU affirms, “Arizona’s new law sacrifices the civil liberties of millions of people living and working in Arizona, while doing nothing to address the real problems the state is facing.” We anticipate with confidence that judicial review will render SB 1070 unconstitutional.
We are compelled to ask: Why did you sign an unconstitutional and inflammatory law? Surely you have read and understand the U.S. Constitution? We can only assess your motives for signing this bill in the context of other recent actions you have undertaken. This includes your active role as Arizona Secretary of State and as a key Republican Party leader and political operative in the efforts, during the 2008 elections, to block your state’s Latina/o voters from exercising their rightful franchise at the polls for presumably failing to prove their citizenship. This is one of the incidents that led to the scandalous and unethical firing of federal attorneys who failed to deliver or prosecute a single case of “illegal alien voter fraud.” This context leads us to conclude that the only reason you signed this law is politics, a politics of fear and hatred, designed – like the contrived alien voter fraud campaign – to deny Latina/o U.S. citizens the right to vote and to block efforts to expand the number of people with a direct legal right to participate in shaping the future of our democracy and commonwealth.
The use of misguided state-level legislation like SB 1070 to score political points with your base or in Washington, DC, even if it is intended to force badly needed and long overdue comprehensive immigration reform, is to play around with people’s lives. We judge this to be immoral and unethical and not just misguided. It demonstrates a lack of respect for the civil rights of Mexican-origin people who are U.S. citizens and the democratic principles of freedom, equal protection, and due process embodied by our Constitution.
SB 1070 is at best an inflammatory law and will surely come to serve as a rationale to justify violent attacks by the misguided against persons who appear to “look illegal.” This is what I call an “ecology of fear” and it is a political and civic climate, deliberately stoked by politicians, that creates an environment of intolerance, fear, insecurity, and hatred that is hostile to any one appearing “foreign” to the self-image of “white Americans” – be it immigrants or people of color in general.
Indeed, it is this ecology of fear that led to the murder of a young legal Ecuadorian immigrant in the Bushwick section of Brooklyn on December 7, 2008. The perpetrators of this crime were white youth who, like those convicted last month on Long Island for a similar crime, were out “Beaner hopping” or hunting for “illegal aliens.” In these difficult economic times, when our Nation’s white youth also invariably face the same stresses and tragedies of structural violence – poverty, unemployment, and lack of access to education or healthcare opportunities – it seems hardly surprising that they might engage in misguided acts of violence under the cover of a draconian law they misconstrue is designed to justify anyone wanting to target “suspect illegal aliens” for harassment or civilian arrest. We can only imagine what the more ideologically extremist and heavily-armed groups like the American Border Patrol and Minutemen are likely to do under the cover of the cloudy civil rights climate this law creates.
When such incidents occur in Arizona, as we predict will be the case because of the climate of racial hostility and hatred fed by SB 1070 in desperate economic times, will you then be prepared to renounce this law as misguided, harmful, and discriminatory? NACCS members expect U.S. elected officials to reject any laws or policies that are blatantly unconstitutional and that could unleash the same type of fury and violence that has given us the Trail of Tears, Wounded Knee, Soviet gulags, Nazi death camps, and the more recent ubiquitous killing fields wrought of ethnic cleansing in Bosnia, Rwanda, Darfur and a continuous “Third World War” waged on indigenous populations in places like Chiapas, Oaxaca, Guatemala, or El Salvador.
How are “random” murders and assaults different from the death toll of a systematic military campaign if the result is still many thousands of innocent dead and injured? How can your government explain the use of low-intensity counter-insurgency tactics, based on a policy of “militarization,” along the Arizona-Mexico border? How is that any different from an incremental approach to ethnic cleansing since such a policy funnels the flow of desperate people into the heat and death chamber of the desert or into the equally heinous realm of forced labor and slavery that undocumented workers are subject to in the Arpaio gulags or under the oppressive yolk of ruthless employers from New York City to Los Angeles? How do you justify this policy to the countless women raped, killed, and mutilated along the entire length of the border by sexual predators, paramilitary groups, ICE officers, and criminal organizations? We must all come to understand that the ecology of fear is a state of exception that suspends the rule of law while encouraging uninformed Americans and others to dehumanize and terrorize innocent human beings who are only guilty of trying to survive under the tyrannically-imposed conditions of a “bare life.”
Many of us have relatives in Arizona who trace their ancestry back to the early 1700s. Are these multigenerational Arizona natives also to be detained under the new law for “looking illegal”? Will you detain and deport Tohono O’odham natives with Spanish surnames and brown skin who are more likely to lack birth certificates or other proof of citizenship? You state that this is not racial profiling. We note your awkward reaction when you were asked to define “looking illegal” by a Chicana journalist at your press conference when you signed the bill. You admitted that you were not able to describe what an “illegal alien” looks like. You then vaguely asserted that there “were people in Arizona” who presumably would be able to make this determination, presumably in an “objective” and non-partisan manner. We must ask then, how you, as the leader of your state, expect anyone else to know the answer to this question. Similarly, we ask how you determined that a law that targets people that “look illegal,” is not a form of racial profiling, given that the average white Arizonan’s stereotype is that these so-called “illegals” are all Mexicans? How are you going to instruct the police to identify the 44 percent of undocumented immigrants in Arizona who are not Mexican or Latina/o? How will the police distinguish an undocumented Irish, Russian, Chinese, Spanish, Greek, or Canadian immigrant, from a legal one? Failing to do so will fall short of meeting the standards of heightened judicial scrutiny and SB 1070 will likely be disqualified as an act that perpetuates the creation of a disparate class of persons excluded from Constitutionally-guaranteed equal protection and due process rights by the very nature of the prescribed police actions.
We are aware of the role of FAIR (Federation for American Immigration Reform) in drafting of the language of SB 1070. We are also aware of the funding FAIR has received for decades from the Pioneer Fund, a notorious non-profit foundation that promotes the use of practical eugenics and selective national-origin quota laws as policies to ensure the survival and supremacy of the “white race” as the dominant actor in U.S. culture, society, and politics. The association between the principal architect of the law, Russell Pearce, FAIR, and the Pioneer Fund taints SB 1070 with the legacy of hateful racist ideology. We are also aware that Mr. Pearce has known Nazi Party associates and indeed has enthusiastically greeted them in public venues. The emerging electoral majority and swing-vote bloc comprised of Latina/o and other voters of color in this country, including those in Arizona, will likely consider any elected official that has supported, voted for, or endorsed this unconstitutional law as an unworthy champion of a racist vision of the United States misshapen by those who errantly and fearfully believe it is and must remain a White-Christian nation.
The United States is an inspiring experiment in multi-‘racial’ [sic] Democracy; much of its more noble achievements arose from multicultural public life; the country is also strongly characterized by ecumenical diversity including those persons, families, and communities that do not believe in a Christian Creator or in a God at all. This is for the majority of Americans, including Mexican-origin Americans, a tumultuous, and at times untidy and messy, but ultimately joyous and exhilarating process of cultural change and evolution. For most Americans, and especially for young people in the Millennial Generation, the demographic transition to a “majority of ethnic minorities” is not a calamity or devolution into savagery. It is not the end of history; it is not the beginning of a “wetback” invasion or a fantasy “re-Conquest.” It is not the end of Euro-American cultures or of protestant values; nor is it an end to English as our primary political, administrative, and scientific language. It is instead a step forward in the American Experiment through the inspiring progressive hope and creativity unleashed by the multi-hued rainbow of human energy nurtured by our society’s liberal – and we hope, eventually participatory – democratic traditions. This is the very reason that so many people wish to come to this nation to become part of a wondrous, ever-shifting multicultural and multiethnic mosaic with an unfathomable depth of possible “just” futures.
We therefore urge all of Arizona civil society to embrace the ethical principle that “No Human Being is Illegal,” as stated pro-forma in the United Nations Declaration of Human Rights. We urge Arizona civil society to publicly endorse and support a policy of comprehensive federal immigration reform that emphasizes the rights of workers, women, and indigenous peoples within the framework of the broader goals of social justice through sustainable and equitable development. We urge Arizonans to declare their support for federal policies that replace the over-militarization of the border and its Arpaio gulags with reforms that address the structural inequities and violence unleashed by NAFTA that resulted in the displacement of more than 8 million farmers and their families – among them people who are now trying to live, work, and survive among us.
These changes are largely consequences of the process of top-down globalization unleashed by treaties like NAFTA, and thus efforts to resolve immigration will ultimately have to address multi-lateral concerns and the broadest societal needs in a climate of equitable negotiations among Mexico, the United States, Canada, and other parties. Arizona civil society groups can actively work through horizontal mobilization with allies across borders to create spaces for meaningful and humane immigration reform that builds on grassroots development programs that directly match the remittances workers send back to their origin communities. Rural Mexico can and must be rebuilt from the grassroots-up and fair-minded Americans can help in this more open and democratic process. Also, a path to naturalized citizenship and other forms of permanent legal status for out-of-status workers currently in the United States should certainly become part of a more progressive vision for comprehensive immigration reform. It is time to stop deporting the families of immigrants who have died fighting for the U.S. in Iraq and Afghanistan. It is time to reunite the numerous families split by draconian raids and roundups that have steadily increased since 2001. We are all human beings and not one among us all should be treated as cattle to be herded and prodded into holding pens for processing, persecution, and deportation without due process and equal protection under the rule of law.
Finally, because as Governor you signed an unconstitutional law that is a thinly veiled form of institutionalized racial discrimination, NACCS is joining, and widely endorsing, a targeted economic boycott of your state. I use the term ‘targeted’ because we are not abandoning our colleagues, families, friends, and communities in Arizona. Our organization will remain especially vigilant and active in your state as a result of SB 1070 and the National Office and Chair will directly participate in ongoing efforts to hold your state and elected officials accountable through heightened scrutiny of police and elected official misconduct, a “score card” on “democracy-haters,” and other educational, media outreach, and networking events including efforts to help Arizonans understand that “race” is a phantom menace. We are all the same race: The human race. Undocumented workers and their families may be from distinct ethnic and national-origin populations but that does not mean they share some indelible “racial” phenotype or static and homogeneous cultural memory as a people. I close, by noting that we have held our annual national convention in Arizona before (1992, 2000) and we were discussing a return in 2012 or 2013. We do not plan to return any time soon and certainly not until this law is repealed and the State of Arizona rejoins our nation’s humanity in respecting the Constitutional rights of all U.S. citizens and immigrants, whatever their status. The State of Arizona must return to the democratic fold and respect the Equal Protection Clause, part of the Fourteenth Amendment to the United States Constitution, that provides that “no state shall … deny to any person within its jurisdiction the equal protection of the laws.” The original language of the Constitution states “any person within the jurisdiction of,” it does not state, “ONLY citizens need apply.” The due process and equal protection clauses apply to all persons within the territorial jurisdiction of the U.S. This includes undocumented workers, who are in the end the dignified and creative peoples of the NAFTA-induced Mesoamerican Diaspora. They are helping us rebuild a more democratic, resilient, and justice-loving America based on their own blood, sweat, and tears, and dreams. In the end, just like you and me.
Sincerely,

Devon G. Peña, Ph.D., Chair (2010-11)
National Association for Chicana and Chicano Studies
P.O. Box 720052
San Jose, CA 95972-0052; Email: dpena@naccs.org

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