Archive for government action
US Government Reports on US Human Rights to United Nations
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Another difference that the Obama administration makes can be seen in this press release from yesterday. The U.S. has decided to submit this human rights report under the United Nation Human Rights review process:
On August 20, the United States submitted to the Office of the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights a report on the U.S. human rights record, in accordance with the UN Human Rights Council’s Universal Periodic Review (UPR) process.
The report’s submission is one step in the UPR process. The next step will be a formal presentation by the U.S. government to the UN Human Rights Council in Geneva in November. The report stands as just one element of the U.S. effort to engage broadly and constructively with the UN and other international organizations.
The review, which has featured an unprecedented level of consultation and engagement with civil society across the country, provides an opportunity to reflect on our human rights record and we hope will serve as an example for other countries on how to conduct a thorough, transparent, and credible UPR presentation. It involved support and assistance from the Department of Justice as well as over ten other federal departments and other offices, and the White House.
The United States is proud of its record on human rights and the role our country has played in advancing human rights and fundamental freedoms around the world.
I will analyze the report as soon as I finish reading it.
Florida’s S.B. 988, Philanthropic Giving, and the Public Good
Posted by: | CommentsThis post was written by Calixto Melero Jr. and Marco Portales, Texas A&M University
Florida’s S.B. 998 allows nonprofit tax-deductible foundations not to disclose race and gender information regarding their administrators, staff, and grant recipients. This law legalizes and encourages money and power to continue to flow largely to privileged people and to organizations with resources. Disguised as a post-racial “color blind” policy enhancement, further legislation legalizing such laws and policies will continue to dismantle and kill the Public Good.
Driven by Tea Party and neo-conservative minds, Florida’s S.B. 998 dismantles civil rights laws and policies that are in place to empower communities of color.
Unlike other public and private sectors that have embraced and benefited from minority perspectives, tax-deductible nonprofits in Florida today can continue to exclude non-whites from their boardrooms, funding mechanisms, and grant giving.
In 1982, CEOs and board diversity memberships nationally consisted of 1.6 and 4.3 percent, statistics that slightly improved in 2006 to 5.8 and 13 percent, according to a 2008 article, “Philanthropy in a Changing Society” by Chao, Parshall, Amador, Shah, and Yanez. That’s why a U.S. House 2007 committee found private foundations were “not doing as much as they could or should” to channel dollars and support to racial minorities. Nonprofits “were not growing in pace with overall charitable giving” and with society’s demographic changes.
Police-State Treatment Of Latino Civil Rights Efforts in Arizona
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The treatment and arrest of Mexican-American civil rights leader Sal Reza, head of the group Puente and opponent of Arizona’s SB 1070 last Thursday by Sheriff Joe Arpaio’s deputies reminds me of the 1960s treatment of civil rights protesters, especially the treatment of blacks. While not the same, Arizona is a modern police state similar to the police states of the south during the 1960s.
During the 1960s the controlling white population found it acceptable that the police could be used against people of color and Americans who spoke out against protests of all kinds such as the Vietnam War, the Civil Rights Movement, or the Women’s Movement. We have all read, seen on television, or heard the stories of the police attacking blacks and other civil rights protestors with night sticks, shot guns, and dogs. It was a shameful use of the police in our history and contributed to the current distrust between law enforcement and communities of color. This distrust has only grown as people of color have been singled out by law enforcement officers for years. As Eduardo Bonilla-Silva states in Racism Without Racists “blacks and dark-skinned Latinos are the targets of racial profiling by the policy that, combined with the highly racialized criminal court system, guarantees their overrepresentation among those arrested, prosecuted, incarcerated, and if charged for a capital crime, executed.”
However, our law enforcement culture has changed in many ways since the 1960s. One of the important changes to note is that modern day police have much greater power to violate civil rights and civil liberties than ever before. While the police states of the south had brutalized black people for decades (centuries, really), the tools they had to conduct their terror were not as sophisticated as they are today—not that this made much difference to the victims of the police brutality—but the direction our police have gone since then impact the civil rights of all Americans, especially those who are “othered” in our society for whatever reason. Today the police have more tools of intimidation at their disposal and anyone who thinks our civil rights are important should be concerned.
Over the last 20 years of the American “tough on crime” ethic, we have developed a hyper-active law enforcement. Now we have police who are out with armored personnel carriers, high tech body armor, and automatic weapons. This results in a system that can easily abuse constitutional rights as what seems to have happened with Mr. Reza. The arrest of a known older civil rights protestor by a swat team is an example of political oppression. It appears that Mr. Reza was arrested because of his political views and his membership in an organization, not his involvement in any illegal activities. This is one example of the consequences of our modern militarized police machine.
Protection of our civil rights and civil liberties are key aspects of citizenship and critical for the success of democracy. We live in a police state that is exercising its power to repress political opposition, silence political views, and intimidate members of certain civil rights organizations. This is increasingly being used against Latinos and anti-racist white allies in Arizona who are participating in their constitutional rights to speak out against policies of the state. This is a sad commentary on American society, politics, and culture. Sheriff Arpaio and his deputies’ actions are contributing to our police state. And they call themselves Americans.
The End of White Privilege
Posted by: | CommentsSen. Jim Webb (D-Virginia) has called for an end to end to affirmative action programs because, he contends, white privilege is a “myth.”
Here’s what Sen. Webb said in a recent (7/22/10) Wall Street Journal piece:
In 1974, a National Opinion Research Center (NORC) study of white ethnic groups showed that white Baptists nationwide averaged only 10.7 years of education, a level almost identical to blacks’ average of 10.6 years, and well below that of most other white groups. A recent NORC Social Survey of white adults born after World War II showed that in the years 1980-2000, only 18.4% of white Baptists and 21.8% of Irish Protestants—the principal ethnic group that settled the South—had obtained college degrees, compared to a national average of 30.1%, a Jewish average of 73.3%, and an average among those of Chinese and Indian descent of 61.9%.
Policy makers ignored such disparities within America’s white cultures when, in advancing minority diversity programs, they treated whites as a fungible monolith. Also lost on these policy makers were the differences in economic and educational attainment among nonwhite cultures. Thus nonwhite groups received special consideration in a wide variety of areas including business startups, academic admissions, job promotions and lucrative government contracts.
Where should we go from here? Beyond our continuing obligation to assist those African-Americans still in need, government-directed diversity programs should end.
Nondiscrimination laws should be applied equally among all citizens, including those who happen to be white.
Webb is right to note that white Americans are not a monolith and that there are poor whites among the racial category “white.” However, just because Webb has discovered poor white ethnics does not mean that white privilege is a myth. There are so many examples of white privilege that it barely merits listing them all again, but just in case you’ve never read Peggy McIntosh’s “White Privilege: Unpacking the Invisible Knapsack,” review it now.
One of the key points that Webb misses (and there are many) is that even in a system in which all poor people are oppressed, some poor people who happen to have black or brown skin are even more oppressed. As Matt Yglesias points out:
Someone accused of killing a white person in North Carolina is nearly three times as likely to get the death penalty than someone accused of killing a black person, according to a study released Thursday by two researchers who looked at death sentences over a 28-year period.
People are generally aware of the fact that the criminal justice system sanctions African-American suspects and perpetrators disproportionately harshly. Less noted, but in some ways even more pernicious, is the way it affords lesser protection to African-American victims and potential victims. Randall Kennedy’s Race, Crime, and the Law explicates this neglected issue in an excellent way.
So, while I will be the first to applaud the end of white privilege, we’re not there yet, Sen. Webb – not by a long shot.
No Native Americans among our 860 Federal Judges
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Faith-based thinking about racial matters in U.S. society is quite common these days, including much data-less nonsense about this being a “post-racial society” and about “Obama’s election meaning racism is dead” or “minorities are now taking over,” and similar such sentiments. One recent MSNBC report on the recent Supreme Court hearings of Ms. Elena Kagan provides substantial data refuting such notions.
Were you aware that the National Native American Bar Association and the National Congress of American Indians, major Native American organizations, had sent letters to President Obama asking that he consider distinguished and accomplished Native Americans for a position on the Supreme Court, since no Native American has ever served there:
While other ethnic groups and women have made strides in reaching the federal bench, there has never been an American Indian appointed to the Supreme Court or the federal appellate bench, and out of the nation’s more than 860 federal judgeships, not one is currently occupied by an American Indian.
Not a single Native American is serving. We are indeed an exclusionary, highly segregated society still. In our entire history, according to the Federal Judicial Center, only two Native Americans have ever served as federal judges.
The implications of this are obvious:
“There’s just a lack of representation and that lack of representation leads to no voice, no voice whatsoever in the decisions that are being made about Natives,” said Richard Guest, a senior staff attorney with the Native American Rights Fund, one of the Indian groups that have been meeting with White House officials in recent months, urging them to consider an Indian for the Supreme Court vacancy and for other federal judgeships. Heather Dawn Thompson, the immediate past president of the National Native American Bar Association, calls it a “rather frustrating” situation. “For over two hundred years, the United States Supreme Court has sat in judgment over us, over our lands, over our treaties and over our families. Not one single day have we ever had a voice in those decisions,” Thompson’s group said in its letter to Obama.
I remember something in the old American set of ideals about “no taxation without representation,” and revolutionary anger over lack of representation more generally. Well, here is a complete lack of judicial representation.
On 24 June 2010, encircled by a substantial police presence, 1,500 indigenous activists and their allies marched through downtown Toronto under the slogan “Canada can’t hide genocide,” openly contesting Canada’s authority in negotiating on the global stage. Shouting “No G20 on stolen native land!” the marchers carried placards, banners, Mohawk Nation flags, and an inverted Canadian flag. The group altered the Canadian national anthem’s opening lines “O Canada! Our home and native land!”, singing instead “O Canada! Our home on native land!” They hoped to bring international awareness to aboriginal issues via media coverage of the G8 and G20 summits. The demonstrators urged the Canadian government to investigate the disappearance of some 500 aboriginal women , demanded self-determination, complete political recognition of past treaties, and nation-to-nation negotiations with Canada on equal terms.
On 25 June 2010 ‘Shout Out for Global Justice,’ sponsored by the Council of Canadians, organized an incredible line-up of speakers to challenge the G20 and demand trade, water, and climate justice. The event was sold out. 2,700 people attended, as well as many others who watched the forum by web-cast in communities across Canada and at the U.S. Social Forum in Detroit. The line-up of speakers included Clayton Thomas-Müller of the Mathais Colomb Cree Nation in Northern Manitoba and tar sands campaigner with the U.S.-based organization Indigenous Environmental Network (IEN).
The five First Nations in the region of the tar sands in Alberta, Canada, rely on traditional food sources, like moose, fish, beaver, and muskrat, all of which have become contaminated by mining pollution. A community of only 1,200 has seen more than 100 deaths in the last decade from rare cancers and autoimmune diseases. The tar sands leases also breach aboriginal treaty rights; they were sold by the provincial government without the prior informed consent of local communities.
There is no scarcity of examples of native resistance in recent Canadian history. In 1990, an historic armed standoff between Mohawks and the Canadian army near Oka, Québec lasted more than two months when the provincial government tried to convert a native burial ground into a golf course. Five years later, the Canadian government employed helicopters, armoured personnel carriers, improvised explosives, and more than 77,000 rounds of ammunition during a three-month standoff over land title at Gustafsen Lake in British Columbia. In 2007, the Mohawk community at Tyendinaga, 200 kilometres east of Toronto, blocked the trans-continental rail line, and Canada’s largest highway, in protest at the government’s failure to address land rights and basic issues of survival within First Nations – including safe drinking water, which the community lacked. Despite the exposure of such injustices, a foremost concern in 2007 appeared to be how to circumvent a roadblock. (See here and here.)
Aboriginal peoples living in Canada have lower life expectancy, less access to education, a much lower average income, and a much higher suicide rate than the rest of the country. The UN has stated that if Canada were “judged solely on the economic and social well-being of its First Nations” peoples, the country’s human development ranking would drop from 7th to 48th out of 174 countries. Organizations like Amnesty International have sharply criticized Canada’s treatment of aboriginals, calling the country’s reserves a third world problem in one of the world’s richest countries.
One final thought. Press coverage of issues related to aboriginals clears the way for government actions that “reproduce material and social inequality between aboriginal and non-aboriginal people” (including subtle sanitized ethno-genocide). This is a major cause of concern because it promotes an environment in which social injustice is tolerated and Canadians are less likely to be sympathetic to aboriginal resistance movements.
Tessa M. Blaikie, Nicole R. Gordon, and Natalia T. Ilyniak are sociology honours students at the University of Winnipeg in Manitoba, Canada. Kimberley A. Ducey is a faculty member in the Department of Sociology, University of Winnipeg.
“Illegal” Immigration in Arizona: Wong’s Utilitarian Solution
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This morning’s Arizona Republic features a front-page article on legislator Barry Wong’s approach to the solution of the ‘illegal’ immigration problem.
Wong, a lawyer and four-term member of the state house of representatives, is running as a Republican for a seat in the Arizona Corporation Commission, a public entity responsible for public utilities regulation. He proposes asking utility companies not to serve ‘illegal’ immigrants.
He contends that
There is a cost ratepayers shouldn’t have to bear because of the illegal immigrant population.
The other two Republican candidates for the seat, and all three Democrats agree that asking utilities “to check customers’ immigration status is inappropriate.”
“I’m sure that there will be criticism about human rights violations,” Wong averred. “Is power or natural gas or any type of utility we regulate, is that a right people have? It is not a right. It is a service.”
I’ve always believed in calling bullshit…… bullshit. Wong’s proposal falls in the latter category. It is ironic that Wong, the son of Chinese immigrants who fled difficult conditions in China, would voice such xenophobic bullshit. How unsettling it is to see that political candidates believe that practically all campaign promises will help them get elected, as long as they are “anti-illegal.”
England’s Smartest Family is Black
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Rollingout.com has a nice personal interest story, with a very important point. The story is about the Imafidon family, a black-British family, and its very-very-high-achieving children. First there are the two nine-year-old twins, Peter and Paula, who are the youngest to
ever pass the University of Cambridge’s advanced mathematics exam. That’s on top of the fact they have set world records when they passed the A/AS-level math papers.
Nine years old! But these two children are not alone, because their sister Anne-Marie
holds the world record as the youngest girl to pass the A-level computing, when she was just 13. She is now studying at . . . Johns Hopkins University …. Sister Christina, 17, is the youngest student to ever get accepted and study at an undergraduate institution at any British university at the tender age of 11. And Samantha, now age 12, had passed two rigorous high school-level mathematics and statistics exams at the age of 6…
The father immigrated to London from Nigeria three decades back, and he makes a key point about why these working class children have done well in England:
….. he denies there is some “genius gene” in his family. Instead, he credits his children’s success to the Excellence in Education program for disadvantaged inner-city children. “Every child is a genius,” he told British reporters. “Once you identify the talent of a child and put them in the environment that will nurture that talent, then the sky is the limit. Look at Tiger Woods or the Williams sisters … they were nurtured.”
Doubtless, he is underplaying parental efforts here, but still his point is dramatic.
So, of course, in the U.S. we starve and re-Jim-Crow our inner-city educational programs for decades, then when the Bush Depression kicks in, our governments’ solutions include giving a trillion dollars in aid to Wall Street’s white-collar, low-intelligence deviants, but cutting back on many local educational and other social support programs that develop young talent in areas where we need it.
Perhaps we need to send our (mostly white) politicians to study with this savvy father and his very talented kids. Maybe they can get their “low IQs” up a little?
Pew Poll: Americans Support Police-State-Like Tactics on Immigration
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The Pew Research Center for the People and the Press has recently released a national opinion poll (done on on May 6-9, 2010) on the general public’s reactions to the Arizona immigration law (SB 1070), which makes being an undocumented immigrant traveling in or through Arizona a major crime under state law. Here is their summary and here is the full report.
The key and actual questions are these:
Q.10 The state of Arizona recently passed a law dealing with illegal immigration. As I describe some parts of the
law, tell me if you approve or disapprove of each. [The three percentages are for these responses, reading from left to right: approve, disapprove, don't know/other]:a. Allowing police to question anyone who
they think may be in the country illegally: 62% 35 3b. Requiring people to produce documents verifying
their legal status if police ask for them: 73% 23 4c. Allowing police to detain anyone who cannot
verify their legal status: 67% 29 4
On the face of it, these survey data are pretty chilling, with a very substantial majority of the general population supporting key aspects of laws like that in Arizona. On another question, 59 percent of those polled say they approve of the new Arizona law.
More than two thirds buy into the conservative argument that police have a right to act on their own subjective hunches that a person is in the country illegally. In the Southwest this means routine racial profiling, as white residents will almost never be “thought to be in the country illegally.” Indeed, as legal analyst and scholar Michelle Alexander shows in her great new book, The New Jim Crow, the not so secret “secret” of everyday practice in all major aspects of our criminal justice system is that this system routinely and demonstrably (from tons of research) operates in an well-institutionalized racist fashion, with whites with power (especially police officers, prosecutors, and judges) able to pretty much discriminate against working class Americans of color with impunity — and with the backing of numerous recent court decisions by our arch-conservative Supreme Court (perhaps our most undemocratic political institution). People of color are easily targeted when the Supreme Court and the congress back up routine discrimination in the streets. The subjective “thinking” of police and other criminal justice officials is now the criterion of “justice” when it comes to many crime policing and prosecution decisions.
The second question’s and third question’s huge positive responses might, however, have been different if the supportive respondents (especially the majority of white respondents–Pew does not give a racial breakdown) had routine experience with being mistreated or harassed by the police seeking such information–like many Americans of color. Also, I wonder how they would feel if they were taken to jail if they did not have their key documents (birth certificate?) with them, as this law requires. Apparently a driver’s license is not enough. (Have you ever gone out on the streets without key documents?)
The increasing public support of essentially police-state tactics over the last decade (notice that the large, mostly white employers are not principally targeted–the easier way to stop immigration?) is one of the chilling things about this supposedly “post-racial” America. (Related issues in some of the likely police stops out of this law seem to be the fourth amendment’s protections against government searches without specific evidence and without warrants, and the fifth amendment’s protection against self-incrimination, and its a person shall not “be deprived of life, liberty, or property, without due process of law.” Have these also been nullified by the routine operation of the justice system, including recent Supreme Court decisions?) Actually, we have now quickly gone to the post-post-racial America.
Arizona’s Conservative White Legislators: Illiterate and Racist on Immigration
Posted by: | CommentsHere is a draft letter from scholars at the National Association for Chicana and Chicano Studies, that is, researchers and analysts who really know the data on immigration and immigrants in the United States, especially in the Southwest. One of the sickest things about this country now is how the right-wing has moved us away from considering research data on many important issues of public policy. Take the now famous recent actions by the often illiterate (about history and immigration) legislators in the state of Arizona. Here is the insightful and extraordinarily informative letter, signed by a former student of mine at the University of Texas, well worth reading in its entirety:
May 3, 2010
The Honorable Jan Brewer
Governor of Arizona
1700 West Washington
Phoenix, Arizona 85007
Dear Governor Brewer and the People of Arizona’s Civil Society:
The National Association for Chicana and Chicano Studies (NACCS) was established in 1972 and is the nation’s oldest and largest professional scholarly organization dedicated to the study of the social sciences and humanities as these pertain to Mexican-origin peoples in the United States. Our membership covers every state in the union including Arizona, where several outstanding national higher education centers for Chicana/o Studies are located. We are writing to express our deepest concerns and convey our unwavering opposition to Arizona’s SB 1070.
The NACCS membership includes hundreds of social science experts and research scholars. At least four are former MacArthur “Genius” Fellows; more than fifty have authored prize-winning books; and many serve on corporate, foundation, and governmental boards and commissions. Some of us have served as elected officials or as college deans, provosts, and presidents. All of us are accomplished and widely-recognized scholarly authors, professors, and researchers. We are public servants in the real sense of providing rigorous education, training, and knowledge to diverse students and communities in the United States and beyond. Above all, we are Americans. Some of us trace our heritage in what is now the United States back dozens of generations. I personally trace my maternal ancestral tree to its “Black Irish” roots in the mid-1600s and much earlier if I include the clan lines of my Creek great-great grandmother, Missouri Ann Berryhill. Yet, here I am: An American of Mexican-Irish-German-Creek descent, who loves this country, and will eagerly defend, through peaceful non-violent means, its promise of democracy and largely unrealized humane potential.
Our NACCS colleagues have spent decades studying the law, culture, history, economics, and politics of immigration. Many have testified before Congress or before state and federal courts as expert witnesses. To cite just one example, NACCS members were among the expert witnesses for the U.S. Supreme Court decision in the case of “In Re: Alien Children Education Litigation,” a.k.a. Doe v Plyler, 457 U.S. 202 (1982). As you may recall, the judgment in that case was based on the Equal Protection and Due Process Clauses of the U.S Constitution, and was decisively against the State of Texas Education Code for discriminating against the children of out-of-status parents, many of them U.S.-born citizens. The lesson of that historic case was clear: We can not punish innocent children for acts committed by their parents and still claim to be a free and open society.
Over the past three decades, the social science scholarship on Mexican immigration has arrived at several indisputable conclusions based on overwhelming and systematic empirical evidence: First and foremost, the undocumented immigrant population pays more in taxes than it receives in the form of public services including healthcare and education (see for e.g., Perryman Group 2010). But this is about more than immigrants paying their “fair” share of taxes, without little hope of ever directly benefiting from their substantial contributions. The American Chamber of Commerce (1985) has long proposed that Mexico’s young workforce could be the key to keeping Social Security solvent at a time when the U.S. citizen workforce is retiring with fewer workers available to replace them.
Moreover, it is now indisputable that the post-1994 displacement of rural populations, including the indigenous peoples of Mexico, is the direct result of the implementation of NAFTA. It is equally irrefutable that the people of the Mexican Diaspora are revitalizing inner cities and many nearly abandoned rural towns in the United States. Ask small town mayors in the Midwest, Pacific Northwest, or South, and some will eagerly recount how immigrants have helped revitalize their communities, many of which were literally on the verge of becoming ghost towns. Ask inner city council members in any large U.S. city and they will acknowledge that immigrants bring prosperity, strong family values, and a community-oriented work ethic. Even former President Ronald Reagan understood this when he said: “Hispanics are Republicans; they just don’t know it yet.”
Another significant social science research finding is that undocumented workers stimulate job creation through increased demand for goods and services. Cities with the largest immigrant populations have the lowest unemployment rates in the country (Perryman Group 2010). Much of this economic activity is due to the entrepreneurial spirit of these immigrants who create their own small businesses to serve an ever more diverse and appreciative clientele. In Phoenix, for example, it is very likely that the owner, cook, or waitperson at your favorite restaurant is one of the immigrants that could suffer disparate treatment under SB 1070.
The social scientific community can assert with confidence that undocumented or out-of-status immigrants are taxpayers and they have a net positive impact on the U.S. economy. Indeed, not only are undocumented immigrants continuing to bolster Social Security “with billions,” as The New York Times and other mainstream media widely reported in 2005, but a more recent study suggests that the State of Arizona will stand to lose about 140,000 jobs and close to a billion dollars in state revenue if it enforces SB 1070 (Perryman Group 2010).
Insofar as immigration is a matter of federal and not state law, any reasonable person, even if only vaguely familiar with the U.S. Constitution, understands that SB 1070 violates the Supremacy Clause. This legislation also violates the Equal Protection and Due Process Clauses of the Constitution; the ACLU-Arizona and the Mexican American Legal Defense Fund (MALDEF) compellingly demonstrated this in letters submitted to you last week. As Anthony Romero, the head of the national ACLU affirms, “Arizona’s new law sacrifices the civil liberties of millions of people living and working in Arizona, while doing nothing to address the real problems the state is facing.” We anticipate with confidence that judicial review will render SB 1070 unconstitutional.
We are compelled to ask: Why did you sign an unconstitutional and inflammatory law? Surely you have read and understand the U.S. Constitution? We can only assess your motives for signing this bill in the context of other recent actions you have undertaken. This includes your active role as Arizona Secretary of State and as a key Republican Party leader and political operative in the efforts, during the 2008 elections, to block your state’s Latina/o voters from exercising their rightful franchise at the polls for presumably failing to prove their citizenship. This is one of the incidents that led to the scandalous and unethical firing of federal attorneys who failed to deliver or prosecute a single case of “illegal alien voter fraud.” This context leads us to conclude that the only reason you signed this law is politics, a politics of fear and hatred, designed – like the contrived alien voter fraud campaign – to deny Latina/o U.S. citizens the right to vote and to block efforts to expand the number of people with a direct legal right to participate in shaping the future of our democracy and commonwealth.
The use of misguided state-level legislation like SB 1070 to score political points with your base or in Washington, DC, even if it is intended to force badly needed and long overdue comprehensive immigration reform, is to play around with people’s lives. We judge this to be immoral and unethical and not just misguided. It demonstrates a lack of respect for the civil rights of Mexican-origin people who are U.S. citizens and the democratic principles of freedom, equal protection, and due process embodied by our Constitution.
SB 1070 is at best an inflammatory law and will surely come to serve as a rationale to justify violent attacks by the misguided against persons who appear to “look illegal.” This is what I call an “ecology of fear” and it is a political and civic climate, deliberately stoked by politicians, that creates an environment of intolerance, fear, insecurity, and hatred that is hostile to any one appearing “foreign” to the self-image of “white Americans” – be it immigrants or people of color in general.
Indeed, it is this ecology of fear that led to the murder of a young legal Ecuadorian immigrant in the Bushwick section of Brooklyn on December 7, 2008. The perpetrators of this crime were white youth who, like those convicted last month on Long Island for a similar crime, were out “Beaner hopping” or hunting for “illegal aliens.” In these difficult economic times, when our Nation’s white youth also invariably face the same stresses and tragedies of structural violence – poverty, unemployment, and lack of access to education or healthcare opportunities – it seems hardly surprising that they might engage in misguided acts of violence under the cover of a draconian law they misconstrue is designed to justify anyone wanting to target “suspect illegal aliens” for harassment or civilian arrest. We can only imagine what the more ideologically extremist and heavily-armed groups like the American Border Patrol and Minutemen are likely to do under the cover of the cloudy civil rights climate this law creates.
When such incidents occur in Arizona, as we predict will be the case because of the climate of racial hostility and hatred fed by SB 1070 in desperate economic times, will you then be prepared to renounce this law as misguided, harmful, and discriminatory? NACCS members expect U.S. elected officials to reject any laws or policies that are blatantly unconstitutional and that could unleash the same type of fury and violence that has given us the Trail of Tears, Wounded Knee, Soviet gulags, Nazi death camps, and the more recent ubiquitous killing fields wrought of ethnic cleansing in Bosnia, Rwanda, Darfur and a continuous “Third World War” waged on indigenous populations in places like Chiapas, Oaxaca, Guatemala, or El Salvador.
How are “random” murders and assaults different from the death toll of a systematic military campaign if the result is still many thousands of innocent dead and injured? How can your government explain the use of low-intensity counter-insurgency tactics, based on a policy of “militarization,” along the Arizona-Mexico border? How is that any different from an incremental approach to ethnic cleansing since such a policy funnels the flow of desperate people into the heat and death chamber of the desert or into the equally heinous realm of forced labor and slavery that undocumented workers are subject to in the Arpaio gulags or under the oppressive yolk of ruthless employers from New York City to Los Angeles? How do you justify this policy to the countless women raped, killed, and mutilated along the entire length of the border by sexual predators, paramilitary groups, ICE officers, and criminal organizations? We must all come to understand that the ecology of fear is a state of exception that suspends the rule of law while encouraging uninformed Americans and others to dehumanize and terrorize innocent human beings who are only guilty of trying to survive under the tyrannically-imposed conditions of a “bare life.”
Many of us have relatives in Arizona who trace their ancestry back to the early 1700s. Are these multigenerational Arizona natives also to be detained under the new law for “looking illegal”? Will you detain and deport Tohono O’odham natives with Spanish surnames and brown skin who are more likely to lack birth certificates or other proof of citizenship? You state that this is not racial profiling. We note your awkward reaction when you were asked to define “looking illegal” by a Chicana journalist at your press conference when you signed the bill. You admitted that you were not able to describe what an “illegal alien” looks like. You then vaguely asserted that there “were people in Arizona” who presumably would be able to make this determination, presumably in an “objective” and non-partisan manner. We must ask then, how you, as the leader of your state, expect anyone else to know the answer to this question. Similarly, we ask how you determined that a law that targets people that “look illegal,” is not a form of racial profiling, given that the average white Arizonan’s stereotype is that these so-called “illegals” are all Mexicans? How are you going to instruct the police to identify the 44 percent of undocumented immigrants in Arizona who are not Mexican or Latina/o? How will the police distinguish an undocumented Irish, Russian, Chinese, Spanish, Greek, or Canadian immigrant, from a legal one? Failing to do so will fall short of meeting the standards of heightened judicial scrutiny and SB 1070 will likely be disqualified as an act that perpetuates the creation of a disparate class of persons excluded from Constitutionally-guaranteed equal protection and due process rights by the very nature of the prescribed police actions.
We are aware of the role of FAIR (Federation for American Immigration Reform) in drafting of the language of SB 1070. We are also aware of the funding FAIR has received for decades from the Pioneer Fund, a notorious non-profit foundation that promotes the use of practical eugenics and selective national-origin quota laws as policies to ensure the survival and supremacy of the “white race” as the dominant actor in U.S. culture, society, and politics. The association between the principal architect of the law, Russell Pearce, FAIR, and the Pioneer Fund taints SB 1070 with the legacy of hateful racist ideology. We are also aware that Mr. Pearce has known Nazi Party associates and indeed has enthusiastically greeted them in public venues. The emerging electoral majority and swing-vote bloc comprised of Latina/o and other voters of color in this country, including those in Arizona, will likely consider any elected official that has supported, voted for, or endorsed this unconstitutional law as an unworthy champion of a racist vision of the United States misshapen by those who errantly and fearfully believe it is and must remain a White-Christian nation.
The United States is an inspiring experiment in multi-‘racial’ [sic] Democracy; much of its more noble achievements arose from multicultural public life; the country is also strongly characterized by ecumenical diversity including those persons, families, and communities that do not believe in a Christian Creator or in a God at all. This is for the majority of Americans, including Mexican-origin Americans, a tumultuous, and at times untidy and messy, but ultimately joyous and exhilarating process of cultural change and evolution. For most Americans, and especially for young people in the Millennial Generation, the demographic transition to a “majority of ethnic minorities” is not a calamity or devolution into savagery. It is not the end of history; it is not the beginning of a “wetback” invasion or a fantasy “re-Conquest.” It is not the end of Euro-American cultures or of protestant values; nor is it an end to English as our primary political, administrative, and scientific language. It is instead a step forward in the American Experiment through the inspiring progressive hope and creativity unleashed by the multi-hued rainbow of human energy nurtured by our society’s liberal – and we hope, eventually participatory – democratic traditions. This is the very reason that so many people wish to come to this nation to become part of a wondrous, ever-shifting multicultural and multiethnic mosaic with an unfathomable depth of possible “just” futures.
We therefore urge all of Arizona civil society to embrace the ethical principle that “No Human Being is Illegal,” as stated pro-forma in the United Nations Declaration of Human Rights. We urge Arizona civil society to publicly endorse and support a policy of comprehensive federal immigration reform that emphasizes the rights of workers, women, and indigenous peoples within the framework of the broader goals of social justice through sustainable and equitable development. We urge Arizonans to declare their support for federal policies that replace the over-militarization of the border and its Arpaio gulags with reforms that address the structural inequities and violence unleashed by NAFTA that resulted in the displacement of more than 8 million farmers and their families – among them people who are now trying to live, work, and survive among us.
These changes are largely consequences of the process of top-down globalization unleashed by treaties like NAFTA, and thus efforts to resolve immigration will ultimately have to address multi-lateral concerns and the broadest societal needs in a climate of equitable negotiations among Mexico, the United States, Canada, and other parties. Arizona civil society groups can actively work through horizontal mobilization with allies across borders to create spaces for meaningful and humane immigration reform that builds on grassroots development programs that directly match the remittances workers send back to their origin communities. Rural Mexico can and must be rebuilt from the grassroots-up and fair-minded Americans can help in this more open and democratic process. Also, a path to naturalized citizenship and other forms of permanent legal status for out-of-status workers currently in the United States should certainly become part of a more progressive vision for comprehensive immigration reform. It is time to stop deporting the families of immigrants who have died fighting for the U.S. in Iraq and Afghanistan. It is time to reunite the numerous families split by draconian raids and roundups that have steadily increased since 2001. We are all human beings and not one among us all should be treated as cattle to be herded and prodded into holding pens for processing, persecution, and deportation without due process and equal protection under the rule of law.
Finally, because as Governor you signed an unconstitutional law that is a thinly veiled form of institutionalized racial discrimination, NACCS is joining, and widely endorsing, a targeted economic boycott of your state. I use the term ‘targeted’ because we are not abandoning our colleagues, families, friends, and communities in Arizona. Our organization will remain especially vigilant and active in your state as a result of SB 1070 and the National Office and Chair will directly participate in ongoing efforts to hold your state and elected officials accountable through heightened scrutiny of police and elected official misconduct, a “score card” on “democracy-haters,” and other educational, media outreach, and networking events including efforts to help Arizonans understand that “race” is a phantom menace. We are all the same race: The human race. Undocumented workers and their families may be from distinct ethnic and national-origin populations but that does not mean they share some indelible “racial” phenotype or static and homogeneous cultural memory as a people. I close, by noting that we have held our annual national convention in Arizona before (1992, 2000) and we were discussing a return in 2012 or 2013. We do not plan to return any time soon and certainly not until this law is repealed and the State of Arizona rejoins our nation’s humanity in respecting the Constitutional rights of all U.S. citizens and immigrants, whatever their status. The State of Arizona must return to the democratic fold and respect the Equal Protection Clause, part of the Fourteenth Amendment to the United States Constitution, that provides that “no state shall … deny to any person within its jurisdiction the equal protection of the laws.” The original language of the Constitution states “any person within the jurisdiction of,” it does not state, “ONLY citizens need apply.” The due process and equal protection clauses apply to all persons within the territorial jurisdiction of the U.S. This includes undocumented workers, who are in the end the dignified and creative peoples of the NAFTA-induced Mesoamerican Diaspora. They are helping us rebuild a more democratic, resilient, and justice-loving America based on their own blood, sweat, and tears, and dreams. In the end, just like you and me.
Sincerely,Devon G. Peña, Ph.D., Chair (2010-11)
National Association for Chicana and Chicano Studies
P.O. Box 720052
San Jose, CA 95972-0052; Email: dpena@naccs.org

